TRUTH 

OF   THE 

WAR   CONSPIRACY 

of   1861 


CO/APLIAENT  OP 

Welby  Chapter,  U.  D.  C, 

UPFERVILLE,  VIRGINIA 

AI5S   /AARY   D.   CARTER, 

UPPERVILLE, 

VIRGINIA 


"Everyone  should  do  all  in  his  power  to  collect  and 
disseminate  the  truth."— R.  E.  LEE 

Dec.  3rd,  1865. 


Copy-right,  1921 

H.   W.  JOHNSTONE 

CURRYVILLE,  QA. 


A  FOREWORD. 

During  President  Washington's  administration,  at  a  banquet 
of  the  notables  at  Richmond,  a  young  man,  John  Randolph  of 
Roanoke,  was  called  on  for  sentiment.  Randolph  arose,  raised 
his  glass,  and  said: 

"George  Washington,  may  he  be  damned" — 

Instantly  there  was  a  howl  of  protest,  a  threatening  move- 
ment. Randolph  calmly  waited;  then  continued — 

—"if  he  signs  Jay's  Treaty!" 

There  was  a  shout  of  approval. 

I  have  somewhat  to  say. 

Hear  me  through,  then  howl,  or  shout,  as  you  may  feel. 


373,  111 


MEMORANDA 

9 

^/  The  crucial  period  in  which  the  premeditated  schemes  of  the 
e-x  fanatics  were  put  into  operations,  so  as  to  inaugurate  actual 
,  was  from  March  4th,  to  July  4th,  1861;  before  Congress 
allowed  to  meet,  to  consider  it. 

From  May  1861  to  January  1862  I  served  in  the  "5th  Geor- 
gia Volunteers, ' '  C.  S.  A.  at  Pensacola,  Florida. 

About  July  1st,  1861  an  expedition  under  our  Colonel,  John 
K.  Jackson,  attacked  "Billy  Wilson's  Zouaves"  (of  Boston), 
on  Santa  Eosa  Island,  at  nigh*.  We  drove  them,— pell  mell — 
into  Fort  Pickens;  captured,  and  burned,  their  camps  and  im- 
mense stores.  As  we  were  returning  to  our  boats  we  were  at- 
tacked by  a  force  of  "regulars''  of  the  U.  S.  Army.  We  drove 
them  back;  and  my  Captain,  S.  W.  Mangham,  captured  their 
commanding  officer,  Major  Vogdes,  (who  was  mounted  on  a 
mule.) 

Twenty  years  later,  at  Fort  Adams,  B.  I.,  I  met  General 
Vogdes,  who  remembered  the  incident  and  discussed  it.  In  his 
remarks  he  stated  that  he  had  reinforced  Fort  Pickens  before 
Fort  Sumter  was  attacked;  but,  that  his  act  was  overshadowed 
by  the  clamor  and  furore  abou-t  Fort  Sumter. 

That  was  the  first  intimation  I  ever  had  of  that  fact.  It  led 
me  to  search  for  some  proof  of  it.  I  read  Stephens,  Davis, 
Semmes,  Taylor,  Maury,  Shouier, — and  hundreds  of  authentic 
magazine  articles, — but  none  cleared  the  mystery  enveloping 
that  vital  point.  It  was  not  until  the  Records  were  opened  to 
research, — nearly  twenty  years  later, — that  I  found  confirma- 
tion of  Vogdes'  statement,  which  led  me  through  devious  ways 
to  other  facts  as  to  M.  C.  Meigs,  H.  A.  Adams,  J.  L.  Worden, 
D.  D.  Porter,  and  many  others. 

The  mystifying  dis — arrangement  of  those  records  was  a  work 
of  genius.  It  seems  easy  now,  but  I  was  years  in  getting  the 
facts  into  chronological  sequence. 

In  1917  I  succeeded  in  perfecting  proofs  fixing  the  responsi- 
bility for  the  "War  Between  the  States,"  1861-1865,  on  one 
man, — Abraham  Lincoln. 

My  unconscious  monitor,  Vogdes,  was  one  of  the  prisoners  of 
war  designated, — by  the  Confederate  War  Department, — te 


suffer  the  same  fate  as  the  Federal  authorities  threatened  to 
execute  on  officers  and  men, — (part  of  Admiral  Semmes'  com- 
mand,)— captured  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  River  in 
1861.  The  "pirates"  were  not  executed;  so,  Vogdes  was  saved. 

One  of  the  keenest  observers  I  ever  met  was  in  Washington 
at  the  time  of  this  secret  War  Conspiracy,  Admiral  Raphael 
Semmes,  C.  S.  N.  In  1870  a  friend  at  Mobile  invited  me  to  ac- 
company him  to  the  "Anchorage," — the  home  of  the  Admiral, — 
and  for  an  hour  I  enjoyed  tho  Admiral's  reminiscences.  As  I 
left  he  said  to  me:  "Captain,  the  secret  treachery  that  caused 
the  war  will  come  to  light,  and  justify  the  South.  Truth  i* 
deathless!" 

That  was  twenty-five  years  before  the  "secret"  causes  were 
unearthed;  and  then,  were  not  comprehended,  by  the  employees 
who  handled  them. 

In  the  Encyclopedia  Brittanica  Lincoln's  biographer  (who 
feign  S.  F.  and  L.  S.)  says:  "In  early  life  Lincoln  adopted  these 
three  maxims: 

"1st.  Never  to  swear; 

"2nd.  Never  to  touch  liquor; 

"3rd.  Never  to  lie; 

"And,  he  never  did!" 

I  know  nothing  of  his  "swears." 

I  know  Lamon  and  Herndon  picture  Lincoln  waving  a  bottle 
in  the  midst  of  a  drunken  mob;  and  I  remember,  it  was  told, 
that  he  prescribed — "liquor  like  General  Grant  drinks!" 

As  to  his  "3rd  maxim — Never  to  lie,"  I  rest  on  the  facts  as 
will  appear  in  this  article. 

From  the  same  source  I  quote  from  Lincoln's  first  inaugural 
address,  March  4th,  1861: 

(B)  "In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  countrymen,  and  not  in 
mine,  is  the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war. 

"The  Government  will  not  assail  you;  you  can  have  no  con- 
flict without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors." 

That  too, — with  his  "3rd  maxim," — I  leave  to  be  answered 
by  the  facts  of  record,  as  set  forth  in  this  article.  Bear  in  mind 
that  there  was  no  "Civil  War,"  (except  in  Missouri);  I  am 
treating  of  the  "War  between  the  (Sovereign)  States." 

In  this  labor  of  many  years,  I  have  held  frequent  "imaginary 
conversations,"  discussions,  arguments,  with  my  loyal,  trusted 

4 


friend,  the  Blade — (my  old  service  sword,  which  hangs  on  the 
wall,  environed  by  books,  records,  and  memories.) 
•  The  Blade  speaks  for  the  Truth;  and  points  to  the  record  in 
this  paper.    I  bespeak  for  my  trusty  friend  your  patience. 

A  word  as  to  the  spirit  in  which  this  paper  is  prepared. 

If  this  article  expresses  my  belief,  it  is  because  it  sustains  it. 
Abraham  Lincoln  is,  to  me,  exactly  what  his  own  record  makes 
him.  It  would  be  the  same  were  the  Prince  of  Peace  the  actor. 

I  served  four  years  in  the  "War  between  the  States."  I 
know  what  it  is  to  meet  men  armed  with  a  torch  in  one  hand, 
the  sword  of  diabolism  in  the  other.  (All  were  not  so,  else  all 
would  have  died.)  I  know  somewhat  of  the  inferno  of  "Recon- 
struction.". I  saw  my  people  suffer,  my  father's  house  van- 
dalized, my  mother's  tomb  desecrated,  I  saw  the  South  des- 
olate ! 

Then,  I  saw  my  people  rise;  and,  with  a  courage  unequaled, 
restore  our  waste  places  and  force  a  re-entrance  to  ' '  Our  Father 's 
house,  to  stay,  thank  God ! ' ' 

My  intent  is  to  discover  the  facts,  establish  the  Truth,  as  to 
the  responsibility  for  the  horrors  of  that  war. 

To  attempt  to  describe  such  a  tragic  drama  in  cold,  philosoph- 
ic terms,  would  be  to  fail.  If  the  acts  be  not  set  forth  in 
words  which  portray  their  infamy  it  might  be  false,  instead  of 
an  historical  Truth. 

Truth  is  not  slander ;  nor  partisan. 

So,  if  a  just  indignation  finds,  vent  in  good  old  English,  oc- 
casionally, remember  the  South 's  sixty  years  of  foul  wrongs; 
and,  if  your  view  is  worth  notice,  you  will  at  least  smile, — as  I 
do, — my  task  being  accomplished. 


Truth  of  War  Conspiracy 

1861 

When  Washington  was  made  President  there  was  no  party 
line.  John  Adams  succeeded  him,  in  1797,  without  any  definite 
party  cleavage;  but  the  laws  passed  under  Adams'  administra- 
tion,— by  Hamilton's  influence, — aroused  Thomas  Jefferson,  and 
James  Madison,  who  wrote  into  the  Resolutions  of  1798-9  "the 
first  clear  definite  platform  of  Republican-Democratic  princi- 
ples;" which,  supplemented  by  "Madison's  Report,"  and  epit- 
omized in  Jefferson's  first  inaugural  address,  set  forth  the  basic 
principles  of  true  Democracy. 

The  people  rallied  to  them.  Hamilton's  Federalism  was  c$n- 
demned  and  Jeffersonian  Democracy  voted  into  power. 

It  is  interesting  to  recall  that  the  first  political  struggle  in 
Virginia,  after  these  Resolutions  were  promulgated,  was  led  by 
Jefferson's  young  kinsman,  John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke,  then 
26  years  old,  and  his  first  contest  for  office.  He  was  opposed  by 
the  influence  of  Washington,  Marshall,  and  even  Patrick  Henry 
was  somehow  against  him;  but  Randolph  was  elected,  1799,  and 
became  a  powerful  Democratic  leader. 

May  I  ask  a  pertinent  question? 

How  long  since  you  read  those  "Resolutions,"  or  "Madison's 
Report,"  or  Jefferson's  first  "Inaugural,"  or  Calhoun's  "Res- 
olutions of  1833  and  7,"  or  Jefferson  Davis 's  "Resolutions" 
in  the  U.  S.  Senate  in  1860  ? 

If  you  are  ignorant  of  them,  how  do  you  know  what  you  be- 
lieve; or  that  you  are  a  Democrat? 

There  was  never  a  truer  patriot  in  America  than  John  Adams ; 
yet  his  administration  caused  his  personal  friend,  Jefferson,  to 
write  the  following  in  the  noted  Kentucky  Resolutions. 

Hark  ye,  the  father  o*f  Democracy  speaks : 

(A)  "This  Commonwealth  is  determined  to  submit  to  no  undele- 
go,ted  and  consequently  unlimited  power,  in  no  man,  or  body 
of  men  on  earth, — even  the  President,  whose  suspicions  may  be 
the  evidence,  his  orders  the  sentence,  his  officers  the  executioner 
and  "his  breast  the  sole  record  of  the  transaction. 

"When  powers  are  assumed  which  have  not  been  delegated,  a 
nullification  of  the  act  is  the  rightful  remedy;  and  every  state 
has  a  natural  right  in  cases  not  within  the  compact, — casus- 


non  federis, — to  nullify  of  their  own  authority  all  assumptions 
of  power  by  others  within  their  limits. 

"It  would  be  a  dangerous  delusion  were  a  confidence  (in  the 
•nen  of  our  choice)  t:>  silence  our  fears  for  the  safety  of  our 
rights.  Confidence  is  everywhere  the  parent  of  despotism. 
Jealousy,  and  not  confidence,  prescribes  limited  constitutions  to 
bind  down  those  whom  we  are  obliged  to  trust  with  power. 

"In  questions  of  power  then,  let  there  be  no  more  heard  of 
confidence  in  man;  but  bind  him  down  from  mischief  by  the 
chains  of  the  constitution." 

Had  Abraham  Lincoln  heeded  these  great  truths,  there  would 
have  been  no  "War  between  the  States." 

Partisan  books,  labeled  "History,"  have  taught  false  theories 
until  their  practice  has  obtained,  in  press  and  pulpit,  to  a  dan- 
gerous extent.  The  truth  is  not  always  comfortable;  but,  it  is 
always  safe. 

A  few  days  ago  some  of  my  old  veteran  comrades  cheered  the 
sentiment  that  "Washington,  Jefferson,  Lincoln,  et  al,  estab- 
lished and  defended  Democratic  principles." 

My  veneration  for  Washington  isolates  him  from  all  other 
men;  yet,  I  love  to  think  he  was  just  human;  and  at  times  so 
near  anti-republican  centralism,  that  the  cleavage  between  razed 
his  plume, — lofty  as  it  was.  Wisely  he  trusted  Jefferson.  The 
heritage  he  left  to  John  Adams  brought  on  the  political  revolu- 
tion of  1798-1800,  led  by  Jefferson  and  Madison,  as  noted. 

Antagonizing  those  principles  is  dangerous. 

If  the  Constitutional  principles  then  established,  and  prac- 
ticed, by  Jefferson,  were  ever  practiced  or  defended,  by  Abraham 
Lincoln,  will  not  some  one  cite  us  to  the  time,  the  occasion,  and 
the  proof? 

I  have  not  found  either. 

My  friend,  the  Blade,  has  not  withered  with  age,  nor  bent 
to  cringe  and  aspostatize.  The  grip  and  housings  are  somewhat 
battered ;  but,  the  steel  grey  body  is  as  keen,  as  ready,  as  reliable, 
as  when  it  clanged  at  a  camp  fire  dance,  or  gleamed,  midst  those 
dear  ' '  Grey  Riders ' '  when  our  dauntless  Chief  tain,— Hampton, — 
led  the  way!  My  eyes  are  a  little  dimmed,  my  hand  less  steady, 
my  step  less  elastic,  than  when  the  Blade  and  I  were  "first  ac- 
quaint;" but,  our  hearts  are  strangely  young,  and  still  burn  as 
we  recall  those  scenes  lang  syne 

In  the  night  silences  the  Blade  and  I  often  commune, — with- 
out words, — a  kind  of  flow  of  soul.  In  one  of  these  reveries,  a 

7 


bit  ago,  there  came,  softly,  musically,  through  the  stillness — 

"I  never  shall  forget  the  day — 

I  turned  to  the  Blade,  inquiringly,  and  realized  it  was  voices, 
of  long  ago,  singing  " Kitty  Wells."  Then  followed  "Ben  Bolt," 
and  "Lorena. "  After  a  pause,  "Her  Bright  Smile  Haunts  Me 
Still,"  floated  to  us  on  "Evening  Breezes,"  bringing  memories 
of  a  tryst  with  "Sweet  Belle  Mahone"  at  "Killarney,"  midst 
"Scenes  That  Are  Brightest;'  and  thence,  to  meet  "Robin 
Adair,"  and  "John  Anderson  My  Jo,"  "Within  a  Mile  of 
Edinboro  Town." 

Will  the  "old  songs"  waft  the  fragrance  of  the  past  to  the 
"Grey  Shades,"— "Beyond  the  River?" 

I  hope  so. 

The  Blade  presses  closer,  and  whispers  of  a  clean-cut  English- 
man who  came  to  us  and  volunteered  to  wear  "grey."  He  rode 
with  us, — near  the  front,  too, — when  danger  was  abroad. 

I  wonder  if  any  others  are  left  who  remember  how,  in  the 
stilly  night,  this  quiet  man,  Frederick  Crouch,  would  sing  his 
appeal  to  her  he  loved  so  loyally,  and  pleaded  to  so  long, — 
"Kathleen  Mavourneen?" 

Across  all  the  years  I  can  hear  Crouch  voicing  this, — his  own 
song, — with  his  whole  heart  in  it.  A  talented  man,  whose  life 
was  shadowed  by  sorrow,  he  had  few  intimates ;  but  ,was  a  gal- 
lant "Grey  Rider,"  and  good  to  know.  He  died,  at  Baltimore, 
with  "  Mavourneen 's "  hand  in  his,  many  years  ago. 

In  all  the  changes  that  have  come  since  those  days  our  Dem- 
ocratic principles, — the  basis  of  that  four  years'  struggle, — have 
remained  unchanged,  steadfast.  Our  experience  in  the  Greely 
episode  taught  us  that  a  Democrat, — in  spirit,  and  in  truth, — 
cannot  always  follow  the  vagaries  of  the  party. 

As  I  now  write, — 1917, — I  air.  oppressed  by  the  fact  that  the 
"party"  has  "lost  its  tag;"  abandoned  its  basic  principles; 
swallowed  Hamilton 's  whole  creed  and  practice ;  established  mil- 
itary autocracy  to  an  unknown  limit;  forgotten  Washington's 
and  Jefferson's  advice  and  warnings;  and,  is  "off  agin."  to 
a  funeral ! 

The  Blade  soothingly  assures  me,  "Principles  don't  have 
funerals.  We  are  safe  while  we  keep  a  sure  grip  on  our  prin- 
ciples." 

Recently  the  Blade  and  I  were  discussing  these  topics  and  I 

8 


read  aloud  that  "The  Civil  War  began  when  Fort  Sumter  was 
fired  on  by  the  South. ' ' 

Instantly  the  Blade  was  alert;  there  was  a  sound  of  steely 
friction. 

Then  I  read  an  extract  from  Abraham  Lincoln's  message  to' 
Congress,  December  1864,  and  emphasized  this  sentence : 

"I  simply  mean  to  say  that  the  war  will  cease,  on  the  part  of 
the  Government,  whenever  it  shall  cease  on  the  part  of  those  who 
began  it." 

"What's  that?"  The  metallic  ring  of  the  restless  Blade  was 
ominous. 

"Why,  the  United  States  Government  and  Abraham  Lincoln 
began  the  war  by  committing  t»t  least  four  flagrant  acts  of  war, 
against  two  vital  points  in  the  South,  weeks  before  Fort  Sumter 
was  fired  on.  That  these  acts  were  secret,  and  the  most 
treacherous  known  to  civilized  diplomacy,  does  not  weaken  the 
force  of  the  facts.  The  secrecy  emphasizes  the  treachery. 

"Had  secret  orders  been  obeyed,  or  oiher  like  orders  not 
miscarried,  war  would  have  been  openly  inaugurated  at  a  point 
five  hundred  miles  from  Fort  Sumter,  long  before  'Fort  Sumter 
was  fired  on.' 

"That  the  first  open  clash  was  at  Fort  Sumter,  was  an  acci- 
dent, caused  by  a  misfit  in  Abraham  Lincoln's  schemes  to  force 
war  '  at  any  risk  or  cost. '  ' 

I  reminded  the  Blade.  There  was  a  solemn  agreement,  an 
Armistice,  existing  at  Charleston,  entered  into  by  the  United 
States  Government  and  South  Carolina  officials  on  December 
6th,  1860 ;  and  a  special  agreement,  armistice,  at  Pensacola, 
entered  into  by  the  United  States  and  Florida  authorities  on 
January  29th,  1861,— (both  filed  in  United  States  War  and 
Navy  Departments) — by  which  the  United  States  agreed  not  to 
attempt  to  reinforce  Major  Anderson,  nor  Fort  Pickens;  and 
South  Carolina,  Florida  and  the  Confederate  authorities,  agreed 
to  make  no  attack  on  Major  Anderson,  or  Fort  Pickens,  while 
these  solemn  agreements  were  observed. 

To  violate  an  armistice  is  considered  a  treacherous  act  of  war. 

For  either  party  to  prepare  to  act.  against 'a  point  covered  by 
an  armistice,  is  an  act  of  war.  It  has  been  held,  and  rightly, 
that  for  any  person  to  visit  a  fortification,  where  an  armistice 
exists,  with  the  intent  to  advise  or  plan  means  or  methods,  to 

9 


strengthen  such  fortification  is  the  act  of  a  spy,  a  reinforce- 
ment, and  an  act  of  war. 

The  first  who  renders  force  necessary  to  defend  and  protect 
a  right,  is  the  "aggressor"  in  a  war. 

So  that  any  act,  any  order  intended  to  change  the  existing 
status  quo  at  any  vital  point,  especially  where  an  armistice  ex- 
ists, by  strengthening,  or  arranging  to  strengthen,  such  a  place, 
thus  making  force  necessary,  is  a  treacherous  act  of  war. 

Yet,  you  say  that  the  United  States  Government,  and  Abraham 
Lincoln,  ordered,  and  secretly  organized  and  sent,  armed  expedi- 
tions, under  "secret"  instructions,  to  commit  acts  in  violation 
of  existing  "armistices." 

Why  to  organize  such  a  force,  to  mobilize  it,  for  such  a  pur- 
pose, is  an  act  of  war.  Where  an  armistice  exists,  such  an  order 
is  a  flagrant  act  of  war. 

You  are  making  very  serious  charges,  my  friend. 

The  Blade  firmly  rejoined: 

"I  am  stating  facts,  incontrovertible  truths,  and  I  am  citing 
them  from  secret  places,  to  establish  who  began  war. 

"If  the  facts  establish  who  was  innocent,  don't  worry  about 
the  guilty,  for  the  Prince  of  Darkness  cares  for  his  own, — makes 
them  'angels'  in  his  torrid  country.  In  our  country  we  honor 
them  in  monumental  stone,  and  send  them,  in  'bronze,'  to  teach 
foreign  nations, — especially  Russia, — how  to  obtain  and  pre- 
serve Liberty  i ' ' 

A-rain  I  reminded  the  Blade : 

History  does  not  state  these  "facts"  as  you  do. 

The  Blade  flashed  back : 

' '  History  don 't  have  to  tell  the  truth ;  I  wish  it  did ;  it  would  ' 
prevent  an  enormous  waste  of  sentiment  in  this  country.  Much 
of  this  sentiment  is  so  ignorant,  hysterical,  blind,  that  it  often 
antagonizes  truth.  Some  of  us  remember  its  suppressing  books 
because  they  contained  the  truth,  or  even  a  truthful  quotation. 
Why  was  Lamon 's  'Life  of  Lincoln'  so  suppressed? 

"Dr.  A.  T.  Bledsoe  noticed  it.  at  length  in  the  old  Southern 
Quarterly  Review.  Was  its  truth  its  crime  ? 

"Ward  H.  Lamon  knew  Lincoln,  was  his  law  partner.  Lin- 
coln made  him  a  colonel  in  the  'Secret  Service,'  and  he  was 
active  in  the  events  I  am  noting.  Evidently  Lincoln  trusted 
Lamon;  used  Lamon.  Why,  and  by  whom,  was  Lamon  'sup- 
pressed ' — later  ? 

10 


"When  Mr.  Davis,  Mr.  Stephens,  Generals  'Dick'  Taylor, 
Dabney  Maury,  Admiral  Semmes  and  others  wrote  defenses  of 
the  South,  many  vital,  illuminating  facts  were  not  available. 
They  charged  deceit  and  treachery ;  but  it  was  denied,  scoffingly. 

"Mr.  Stephens  weakened  his  charges  by  making  personal  ex- 
cuses for  Lincoln.  My  Bible  teaches  that  the  personal  accom- 
plishments of  the  fallen  Lucifer  enable  him  to  lead  us  to  the 
regions  below.  A  man's  liberty  is  very  like  his  religion,  both 
free  to  all;  but  only  at  the  price  of  'Eternal  vigilance.' 

"The  truth  must  be  preserved  by  constant  care.  Falsehood 
fattens  on  the  public  common. 

"I  repeat,  the  United  States  Government  committed  an  act  of 
war.  within  eight  days  after  Lincoln  was  inaugurated,  with  ap- 
proval of  Lincoln;  and,  this  same  day,  Lincoln,  personally,  com- 
mitted an  act  clearly  demonsti'ating  his  intent  and  purpose  to 
bring  on  war. 

"Bear  in  mind  that  Captain  Vogdes,  U.  S.  Army,  was  sent 
with  an  armed  force,  on  the  U.  S.  S.  Brooklyn,  to  reinforce  Fort 
Pickens,  in  January  1861;  but  was  estopped  by  the  'armistice' 
of  January  29th,  at  Pensacola  bar;  and  that  this  armed  force 
remained  there,  under  Captain  Vogdes,  on  the  Brooklyn. 

"As  soon  as  Lincoln  became  President  and  Commander- in- 
Chief,  these  facts  became  known  to  him,  officially;  and  the  fol-« 
lowing  order  was  sent  to  violate  the  eristing  armistice,  reinforce 
Fort  Pickens.  and  inaugurate  war.  It  is  well  known  that  Gen- 
eral Scott  was  opposed  to  war;  but  he  obeyed  the  Commander- 
-in-Chief,  Abraham  Lincoln.  I  quote  the  record. 

(Extract) 
"Hd.  Qrs.  of  the  Army, 

"Washington,  March  12th,  1861. 
"Sir: 

(C)  At  the  first  favorable  opportunity,  you  will  land  your  com- 
pany, reinforce  Fort  Pickens,  and  hold  the  same  till  further 
orders,  etc. 

By  command  of  Lieut.  Gen.  Scott. 

(Signed)  E.  D.  TOWNSEND, 

Asst.  Adjt.  Gen. 
To  Captain  I.  Vogdes, 
First  Artillery,  U.  S.  Army, 
on  board  Ship  of  War  Brooklyn, 
off  Fort  Piekens, 
Pensacola,  Fla." 

"This  order  was  sent  by  U.  S.  S.  Crusader,  and  received  by 

11 


Captain  Vogdes,  off  Pemacola,  on  March  31st,  1861.     The  next 
morning  he  sent  to  Captain  H.  A.  Adams,  the  following : 

"  Off  Pensacola,  Fla. 

April  1st,  1861. 
"Sir: 

(D)  Herewith  I  send  you  a  copy  of  an  order  received  by  me  last 
night.    You  will  see  by  it  that  I  am  directed  to  land  my  com- 
mand at  the  earliest  opportunity.     I  have  therefore  to  request 
that  you  will  place  at  my  disposal  such  boats  and  other  means  as 
will  enable  me  to  carry  into  effect  the  enclosed  order. 

(Signed)  I.  VOGDES, 

Capt.  1st  Artly.  Comdg. 
To  Captain  H.  A.  Adams, 
Commanding  Naval  Forces  off  Pensacola. ' ' 

"Captain  Adams  averted  open  war  on  April  1st  1861,  by  r~e- 
f using  to  obey  this  order. 

1 '  In  his  '  Report '  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Captain  Adams 
says: 

(E)  "It  would  be  considered  not  only  a  declaration  but  an  act  of 
war;  and  would  be  resisted  to  the  utmost. 

"Both  sides  are  faithfully  observing  the  agreement  (armis- 
tice) entered  into  by  the  United  States  Government  and  Mr. 
Mallory  and  Colonel  Chase,  which  binds  us  not  to  reinforce  Fort 
Pickens  unless  it  shall  be  attacked  or  threatened.  It  binds  them 
not  to  attack  it  unless  we  should  attempt  to  reinforce  it." 

Upon  receipt  of  this  precise  "Report"  from  Captain  Adams, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  regardless  of  the  existing  armistice, 
sent  the  following,  (note  its  secrecy)  : 

"Navy  Dept,  April  6th,  1861. 
"(Confidential). 
Sir: 

(F)  Your  dispatch  of  April  1st  is  received.    The  Department  re- 
grets that  you  did  not  comply  with  the  request  of  Capt.  Vogdes. 
You  will  immediately  on  the  first  favorable  opportunity  after 
receipt  of  this  order,  afford  every  facility  to  Capt.  Vogcles  to 
enable  him  to  land  the  troops  under  his  command,  it  being  the 
wish  and  intention  of  the  Navy  Department  to  co-operate  unth 
the  War  Department,  in  that  object. 

(Signed)  GIDEON  WELLES, 

Secty.  of  the  Navy. 
To  Captain  H.  A.  Adams, 
Commanding  Naval  Forces  off  Pensacola." 

(G)  "This  order  was  sent  by  a  special  messenger,  Lieut.  J.  L. 
Worden,  U.  S.  N.  "Worden  went  by  rail,  via  Richmond,  Augusta, 

12 


Atlanta  (Georgia)  ;  when  near  Atlanta  he  became  alarmed  from 
some  cause,  and  he  opened  the  dispatches,  committed  them  to 
memory;  then  'destroyed  them';  (the  act  of  a  spy.)  He  arrived 
at  Pensacola  at  'midnight,  April  10th.' 

"On  llth  of  April  Worden  saw  General  Bragg,  and  assured 
General  Bragg  that  he  'only  had  a  verbal  message  of  a  pacific 
nature  for  Captain  Adams.' 

"The  Lieutenant  was  allowed  to  go  qut  to  Captain  Adams, 
under  this  'pacific'  assurance,  and  the  existing  'armistice.' 

"  'Eough  weather'  prevented  Worden  from  reaching  Captain 
Adams  on  the  llth.  (It  also  prevented  open  war  on  April  llth, 
1861,  by  delaying  Worden.) 

"On  April  12th  Worden  delivered,  'verbally,  from  memory,' 
the  order  to  reinforce  Fort  Pickens. 

"Worden  returned  to  Pensacola  about  5:30  P.  M.,  April  12th. 
He  avoided  seeing  General  Bragg  and  boarded  a  train  for  Mont- 
gomery, en  route  back  to  Washington. 

(J)  " Worden 's  actions  aroused  suspicion,  and  he  was  followed 
and  arrested  next  morning  at  Montgomery.  By  some  mfeans  he 
escaped  a  spy's  fate  and  was  held  'as  a  prisoner  of  war.' 

"About  a  year  later  Worden  commanded  the  iron  clad  'Mon- 
itor' in  her  fight  with  the  C.  S.  S.  Virginia  (Merrimac.) 
(K)  '"To  avoid  a  spy's  fate  Worden  made  a  'statement,'  April 
16th,  1861  to  L.  P.  Walker,   Confederate  States  Secretary  of 
War.  ' 

(H)  "On  April  14th  General  Bragg  reported  his  experience  with 
Worden. 

(G)  "It  was  not  until  four  years  later,  September,  1865,  (when 
the  war  was  over,  and  the  spy  safe)  that  Worden  reported  these 
facts  to  the  U.  S.  Navy  Department.  This  report  proves  his 
'statement'  to  Secretary  Walker  to  have  been  a  tissue  of  lies. 
(L)  "Captain  Adams  reported  having  landed  Vogdes,  and  rein- 
forced Fort  Pickens,  on  April  ]2th;  but,  the  fact  is,  that  Vogdes, 
impatient  of  delay,  actually  landed  a  part  of  his  armed  force 
and  reinforced  Fort  Pickens  after  (9  P.  M.'  on  the  night  of 
April  llth,  1861.'  Here  is  my  authority: 
(M)  "April  llth  at  9  P.  M.  the  Brooklyn  got  under  way  and 
stood  in  toward  the  harbor;  and  during  the  night  landed  troops 
.and  marines  on  board,  to  reinforce  Fort  Pickens.' 

"That  is  from  the  official  'Log'  of  a  U.  S.  Ship  of  War,  as 

13 


reported  to,  and  filed  in,  the  U.  S.  Navy  Department.  It  con- 
firms Vogdes'  statement  at  Fort  Adams. 

' '  Captain  Adams  averted  open  war  by  refusing  to  obey  orders 
twelve  days  before  'Fort  Sumter  was  fired  on.' 

"Captain  Vogdes  committeed  an  act  of  war,  at  Fort  Pickens, 
the  rfight  before  '  Sumter  was  fired  on. ' 

"The  instant  that  order  was  issued,  March  12th,  1861,  War 
was  inaugurated,  just  one  month  before  'Sumter  was  fired  on.' 

"The  instant  a  military  order  is  issued  the  whole  power  of 
the  Government  enforces  it. 

"The  intent  was  to  use  this  power  to  force  the  South  to  sub- 
mit to  Lincoln's  unconstitutional  theories  and  acts,  (confessed 
so,  by  Lincoln  himself ;  and,  held  so,  by  Congress)  or,  defend  our 
rights. 

"That  order  inaugurated  war  inevitably.  A  sense  of  honor 
in  a  naval  officer  averted  open  war  twelve  days  before  'Sumter' 
was  summoned  to  surrender.  For  this,  this  officer  was  officially 
reproved,  and  a  special,  secret,  'confidential'  order  was  sent  to 
him  by  a  spy  messenger,  to  obey  the  original  order,  (of  March 
12th,  1861),  'that  object  being  the  wish  and  intention.' 

"This  shows  that  on  March  12th,  1861,  when  that  order  was 
issued,  it  was  the  'wish  and  intention'  of  the  U.  S.  Government 
to  begin  war. 

"There  is  no  possible  escape  from  this. 

"The  official  record  proves  it. 

"In  addition  to  this,  Captain  Adams  obeyed  the  secret  spy's 
orders,  and  inaugurated  open  war  at  Fort  Pickens,  on  April 
12th,  1861,  the  same  day  that  'Sumter  was  fired  on'  five  hundred 
miles  away;  and  it  was  more  than  a  week  before  it  was  known  at 
either  Fort  what  had  occurred  at  the  other.  The  treacherous 
collusion  was  secretly  held  in  Abraham  Lincoln's  'yearning' 
mind." 

The  Blade  paused,  and  I  interposed: 

Do  -you  mean  that  all  this  vas  done  secretly,  while  the  Con- 
federate Peace  Commission  w.rs  kept  waiting?  (being  deceived 
by  Seward  and  Lincoln.) 

(N)  Why,  Seward  assured  them,  through  Judge  Campbell,  on 
March  15th,  that  "Sumter  will  be  evacuated  in  ten  days;"  and, 
there  "is  no  intent  to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter."  This  assurance 
was  repeated  on  March  20th  :  Seward  pleading  for  time  and 

14 


alleging  that  certain  men  were  urging  the  Government  to  use 
force ;  and  that  time  was  necessary  to  enable  the  Government  to 
overcome  this  demand  for  force,  and  make  a  peaceable  settle- 
ment. Seward  also  assured  Judge  Campbell  "as  to  Fort  Pick- 
ens,  he,  (Judge  Campbell),  should  have  notice  of  any  design  to 
alter  the  existing  status  there. " 

I  am  quoting  Judges  John  A.  Campbell,  and  Samuel  Nelson, 
of  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court,  who  were  both  present  at  all  these 
interviews;  and,  whose  veracity,  unlike  Seward 's,  has  never 
been  questioned. 

You  know  the  Confederate  States  Peace  Commissioners  pre- 
sented their  request  on  March  12th,  1861 ;  the  very  day  you  say 
the  order  was  sent  to  "reinforce  Fort  Picjkens." 

The  Blade  pressed  in. 

(0)  "Yes;  and  on  that  same  day,  Mar.  12th,  1861,  (through  one 
of  his  Cabinet,  Montgomery  Blair),  telegraphed  to  Blair's  kins- 
man, G  V.  Fox,  to  come  to  Washington  to  arrange  for  an  expe- 
dition to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter. 

"These  facts  prove  two  other  facts. 

' '  First :  'That  the  South  was  diligently  using  every  means  pos- 
sible to  preserve  and  establish  peace;  and  used  no  treachery. 

"Second:  That  the  United  States  Government,  and  Abraham 
Lincoln,  deceived  the  people ;  deceived  Congress,  deceived  the 
Confederate  States  Commissioners,  by  hypocritical  'yearnings,' 
and  'private,'  'confidential'  and  secret  official  acts,  all  done  to 
insure  Lincoln's  scheme  to  force  war  on  the  South. 

"On  March  15th,  1861,  Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas  intro- 
duced a  Resolution  in  the  U.  S.  Senate  'To  withdraw  all  U.  S. 
forces  from  the  forts  in  the  seceded  states,  except  at  Key  West 
and  Tortugus'  (which  were  isolated,  and  really  international 
in  scope.) 

"Mr.  Douglas  also  made  a  strong  plea  for  peace  and  justice; 
and  he  clearly  defined  the  limit  of  the  President's  powers. 

"Senators  Clingham  and  Breckenridge  introduced  like  Res- 
olutions; but  the  Senate  adjourned  March  28th,  without  action 
on  either  Resolution. 

"Does  any  man  believe  this  Senate  would  have  'adjourned'  if 
it  had  even  suspicioned  Lincoln's  secret  treachery?  The  Sen- 
ate was  deceived  by  the  hypocrisy  of  the  conspirators,  led  by 
Lincoln  and  Seward. 

15 


"Of  this  action  and  its  effect  Mr.  Stephens  says  (Vol.  II,  354)  : 

"  'But  the  understanding  in  the  city  (Washington),  at  the 
time  of  Mr  Douglas'  speech,  and  the  time  the  assurance  was 
given  to  the  Confederate  States  Commissioners  was,  that  Fort 
Sumter  was  to  be  immediately  evacuated. 

"  'This  intelligence  was  telegraphed  throughout  the  country 
on  the  14th  of  March ;  the  second  day  after  the  date  of  the  Con- 
federate States  Commissioners'  note  to  Mr.  Seward,  and  the  day 
before  the  first  meeting  Mr.  Seward  had  with  Judge  Campbell. 
I  have  little  doubt,  therefore,  that,  at  that  time,  Mr  Lincoln  had 
decided  to  withdraw  all  United  States  forces  from  the  limits  of 
the  Confederate  States.' 

"No  man  believes  that  General  Scott  ordered  Captain  Vogdes 
to  commit  an  act  of  war  without  the  order  or  the  approval  of 
the  Commander-in-Chief,  Abraham  Lincoln;  for,  it  was  known 
that  General  Scott  was  opposed  to  war,  and  advised  against  it. 
General  Scott's  words  were:  'Let  the  wayward  sisters  go  in 
peace.' 

' '  That  order  emanated  from  Abraham  Lincoln.  No  other  power 
could  have  forced  it.  General  Scott  obeyed  orders. 

"Mr.  Stephens  wrote  in  ignorance  of  the  fact  that  Lincoln 
had  secretly  committed  an  act  of  war  the  very  day  the  Con- 
federate Peace  Commissioners  presented  their  peace  proposal, 
March  12th,  1861,  a  week  after  Lincoln  was  inaugurated,  and 
three  days  before  Mr.  Douglas  introduced  his  Resolution. 

"Another  fact  is  here  established;  that  the  first  move  by  each 
party  was  on  March  12th,  1861.  The  South  comes  for  peace, 
openly ;  and  Lincoln  comes  with  a  war  order, — in  secret ! 

"Had  Lincoln  died  a  natural  death,  that  'cunning  which  was 
genius,'  would  have  destroyed  the  evidence  of  his  'secret,'  'pri- 
vate,' 'confidential,'  treacherous  acts  of  war,  which  he  covered 
up  by  complaining  of  his  soul  being  'burdened,'  and  his  heart 
'yearning  for  peace  and  union,'  while  he  secretly,  viciously,  re- 
morselessly inaugurated  the'  war  against  the  South ! 

"If  the  God  of  our  fathers,  through  the  tragedy  of  Lincoln's 
death,  saved  the  Truth  for  us  and  posterity,  let  us  remember 
that  better  men  than  Abraham  Lincoln  have  died  that  Truth 
might  live. 

"I  have  found  no  record,  no  authority,  showing  that  Abraham 
Lincoln  ever  entertained  a  'peaceful  intent'  except  in  his  own 

16 


protestations;  which  the  facts,  as  to  his  own  acts,  prove  to  have 
been  utterly  false;. and  intended  to  deceive  and  mislead. 
(0)  "In  1865  G.  V.  Fox  made  a  detailed  report  as  to  his  'expedi- 
tion. ' 

(P)  "In  a  letter  to  Montgomery  Blair,  dated  Mar.  1st,  1861,  Fox 
says  pointedly;  that  the  object  of  his  'plans'  was  'the  reinforc- 
ing of  Fort  Sumter.'  In  his  detailed  statement  (1865)  he  says 
On  February  6th,  (1861)  I  met,  by  arrangement  (at  Army 
Headquarters)  Lieutenant  Norman  J.  Hall,  who  had  been  sent 
from  Fort  Sumter  by  Major  Anderson'  and  'we  discussed  the 
question  of  relieving  Fort  Sumter.  'Lieutenant  Hall's  plan' 
was :  discussed.  So,  Hall,  whom  Anderson  'sent,'  had  a  plan. 
(R)  On  Mar  8th,  1861,  Fox  writes  to  General  Scott:  'Lieutenant 
Hall  and  myself  have  had  several  free  conferences ;  and,  if  he 
is  permitted  by  South  Carolina  authorities  to  re-enter  Fort 
Sumter,  Major  Anderson  will  comprehend  the  'plan'  for  his 
relief. ' 

"This  can  only  mean  that  Anderson  was  in  collusion  with 
Fox,  Hall,  Blair,  Lincoln  and  others  in  their  'plans'  to  'rein- 
force Sumter'  and  inaugurate  war;  for  'Hall'  was  'sent  by  Maj. 
Anderson.'  and  met  and  conferred  with  Fox  'by  arrangement;' 
and  was  intending,  if  'permitted,'  to  're-enter  Fort  Sumter,' 
and  naturally  report  to  Maj.  Anderson  who  would  'comprehend 
the  plan'  to  're-enforce  and  relieve  Fort  Sumter.' 
(S)  "Remember  that  Maj.  Anderson  commanded  Fort  Moultrie 
with  its  garrison  when  South  Carolina  seceded  December  20th, 
1860.  On  December  26th,  the  country  was  electrified  by  tl\e 
news  that  'during  the  previous  night,  Major  Anderson  had 
dismantled  Fort  Moultrie,  spiked  his  guns,  burned  his  gun  car- 
riages, and  removed  his  command  to  Fort  Sumter.' 

"Up  to  that  time  South  Carolina  had  not  seized  a  fort.  Thia 
action  violated  the  agreement  not  to  change  the  existing  militray 
status ;  and  South  Carolina  at  once  took  possession  of  the  other 
forts  and  defences. 

"Anderson  was  now  scheming  with  Fox,  Blair,  Hall,  and 
Lincoln  on  a  'plan'  to  reinforce  Sumter. 

Every  one  of  them  knew  it  meant  war.  Not  a  word,  not  an 
act,  in  the  whole  'plans'  could  be  twisted  into  a  'yearning  for 
peace  and  union.' 

(0)   "G.  V.  Fox  arrived  at  Washington  on  'Mar.  13th'  and  had 

17 


several  interviews  with  Lincoln,  Blair,  and  General  Scott.  It 
appears  that  General  Scott  still  opposed  any  forcing  of  war. 

"On  March  19th  Fox  at  his  own  suggestion,  was  sent  to  Fort 
Sumter  where  he  had  an  interview  with  Major  Anderson  the 
21st,  and  arranged  for  Anderson  to  hold  out  until  'April  15th/ 
Fox  then  returned  to  Washington,  made  his  report,  and  the 
expedition  took  shape.  So  that  Fox  was  simply  Lincoln's  spy 
and  his  arrangement  with  Anderson  (which  Fox  denies,  but 
facts  sustain)  was,  and  was  intended  to  be,  a  'reinforcement.' 

"The  U.  S.  Senate  was  in  'executive  session;'  but  no  mention 
of  these  secret  matters  was  made  to  this  Senate  (or  any  other), 
by  Lincoln.  Postmaster  General  Blair  was  the  active  supporter 
of  the  Lincoln-Fox  war  expedition. 

"Montgomery  Blair  was  a  West  Point  graduate,  and  ex-offi- 
cer of  the  U.  S.  Army,  who  left  the  service  to  practice  law.  He 
was  counsel  for  Dred  Scott  in  the  noted  case  before  the  U.  S. 
Supreme  Court;  and  was  now  urging  the  Fox  'expedition,' 
knowing  it  meant  war. 

"On  March  28th  the  Senate  adjourned.  The  next  day  Lin- 
coln began  to  act,  and  sent  the  following  order  tb  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy: 

"Executive  Mansion, 

March  29th,  1861. 
"Sir: 

(T)  I  desire  that  an  expedition,  to  move  by  sea  be  got  ready  to 
sail  as  early  as  the  6th  of  April  next,  the  whole  according  to 
memorandum  attached :  and  that  you  co-operate  with  the  Secre- 
tary of  War  for  that  object. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  A.  LINCOLN. 
"To  Honorable  Secretary  of  the  Navy." 

"The  memorandum  attached  called  for — from  the  Navy — 
three  ships  of  war.  The  Pocahontas,  the  Pawnee,  and  the  Har- 
riet Lane;  and  '300  seamen,  and  one  month's  stores.'  From  the 
War  Department  '200  men,  ready  to  leave  garrison;  and  one 
year's  stores.' 

(0)  "  On  Mar.  30th  Lincoln  sent  G.  V.  Fox  to  New  York  to  pre- 
pare transports,  etc.,  for  the  Fort  Sumter  expedition;  and  the 
(V)  Secretary  of  the  Navy  issued  orders,  marked  'private'  for 
the  three  ships  of  war,  named  by  Lincoln,  to  be  ready  by  Apri] 
6th." 

18 


Again  I  questioned  the  Blade: 

(N)  Have  you  forgotten  that  on  Saturday,  March  30th,  Judge 
Campbell,  who  was  the  intermediary  selected  by  Secretary  Sew- 
ard  to  communicate  between  Lincoln,  Seward  and  the  Confed- 
erate States  Commissioners,  saw  Mr.  Seward  about  a  telegram 
from  Governor  Pickens  (of  South  Carolina),  making  inquiries 
as  to  rumors  about  Fort  Sumter;  and  that  Seward  reassured 
Judge  Campbell,  and  promised  "a  satisfactory  answer  to  the 
Governor's  telegram  by  next  Monday,  April  1st?" 

This  telegram  from  Governor  Pickens  inquired  concerning 
Colonel  Lamon,  who  was  in  Charleston,  "ostensibly  to  arrange 
the  proposed  evacuation  of  Port  Sumter." 

On  Monday,  April  1st,  Mr.  Seward  stated  to  Judge  Campbell, 
' '  The  President  may  desire  to  supply  Fort  Sumter  but  will  not 
do  so;"  and  added,  "There  is  no  design  to  reinforce  Fort  Sum- 
ter." 

Do  you  mean  to  say  that  in  the  face  of  these  official,  peaceful 
assurances,  which  held  the  Confederates  Commission  waiting; 
that  these  war  expeditions  were  secretly  ordered,  and  organized 
by  Lincoln  and  Seward,  to  reinforce  Fort  Pickens  and  Fort  Sum- 
ter? "Why  that  was  actual,  active  war! 

The  Blade  responded  pointedly: 

' '  Yes !  I  mean  to  say  that ;  and  more.  Remember  that  Sew- 
ard and  Shouler  both  clearly  state  that  Lincoln  was  privy  to  all 
of  Seward 's  actions.  April  1st,  1861,  was  a  very  red  letter  day 
for  what  Seward  described  as  that  ' cunning  which  was  genius' 
in  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  following  order  by  General  Scott  varies  the  usua>l  military 
form  so  as  to  place  the  responsibility  on  higher  authority.  The 
first  sentence  clearly  indicates  this  to  any  one  conversant  with 
military  affairs.  Lincoln's  written  approval  fastens  the  fact. 
(Extracts)  "Hd.  Qurs.  of  the  Army, 

Washington,  April  1st,  1861. 
"Sir: 

(W)  You  have  been  designated  to  take  command  of  an  expedi- 
tion to  reinforce  and  hold  Fort  Pickens  in  the  harbor  of  Pensa- 
cola.  You  will  proceed  to  New  York  where  steam  transportation 
for  four  companies  will  be  engaged ; — and  putting  on  board  such 
supplies  as  you  can  ship  without  delay  proceed  at  once  to  your 
destination.  The  object  and  destination  of  this  expedition  will 
be  communicated  to  no  one  to  whom  it  is  not  already  known. 

(Signed)  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

19 


To  Brevet  Colonel  Harvey  Brown,  U.  S.  Army. 
Approved  April  2nd,  1861. 

•" .(Signed)  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN." 

•"Evidently  General  Scott  required  Lincoln's  written  author- 
ity before  committing  this  act  of  war. 

"Lincoln,  to  insure  the  intent  of  this  ' order, '  issued  a  special 
order,  as  follows: 

(Enclosure)  "Executive  Mansion, 

Washington,  April  Ist^  1861. 

(X),."  All  officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  to  whom  this  order  may 
be  exhibited  will  aid  by  every  means  in  their  power  the  expedi- 
tion under  the  command  of  Colonel  Brown;  supply  him  with 
men  and  material;  and  co-operating  with  "him  as  he  may  desire. 

(Signed)  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN." 

The  Blade  paused  and  I  remarked: 

You  have  cited  two  expeditions  to  "reinforce  Fort  Piekens" — • 
Vogdes,  and  Brown;  and  the  Fox  expedition  to  "reinforce  Fort 
Sumter." 

(N)  Yet,  that  same  day,  Apr.  1st,  1861,  Seward  had  solemnlyas- 
sured  Judge  Campbell  that  he  should  have  notice  of  any  design 
to  change  the  "existing  status  at  Fort  Piekens"  and  reasserted 
there  was  "no  design  to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter." 

The  Blade  resumed: 

"Well,  Seward  had  his  part  in  the  Lincoln  scheme  and  played 
it ;  just  as  Chase  did  in  the  Peace  Congress.  It  was  all  in  keep- 
ing with  Lincoln's  creed  and  practice. 

"In  1848  Lincoln  was  an  avowed  'Revolutionist.'  In  1858, 
after  seventy  years  of  phenomenal  growth  and  prosperity,  he 
declared  'this  government  cannot  continue  to  exist  half  slave 
and  half  free." 

"That  was  a  good  anti-constitutional  'Revolutionist'  text. 

"In  December,  1860,  Senator  Douglas  introduced  in  the  U. 
S.  Senate  a  measure  to  protect  the  states  in  their  constitutional 
rights;  and  to  punish  those  guilty  of  inter-state  insurrection  or 
invasions  such  as  John  Brown's  Harper's  Ferry  murder  and 
arson  raid. 

"In  a  speech  at  Cooper  Union,  New  York,  Lincoln  denounced 
this  Douglas  Resolution,  or  measure,  as  a  'Sedition  Bill.'  Was 
not  that  protecting  and  defending  John  Brown's  'raid'  of  arson 
and  murder;  and  such  like  crimes  against  society  and  govern- 
ment ?  If  so,  how  will  you  designate  such  a  character  ? 

20 


"Fort  Sumter  will  be  supplied,  peaceably  if  allowed,  forcibly 

"Considered  as  an  incident,  (Lincoln  being  elected  but  not 
yet  inaugurated),  it  suggests  that  perhaps  such  a  measure  as 
Senator  Douglas  introduced  would  have  hampered  Lincoln's 
secret -designs j 

"I  have  alluded  to  the  public  announcement  by  S.  P.  Chase, 
Lincoln's  avowed  spokesman,  in  the  'Peace  Congress'  in  1861; 
thirty  days  before  Lincoln  was  inaugurated. 
(xx):"That  was  the  most  open,  direct,  defiant,  disunion  speech 
ever  made  by  a  ^representative  of  any  party  in  the  United  States, 
to  that  date,  outside  of  New  England.  Radicals,  like  Thad 
Stevens,  paralleled  it  later. 

"It  asserted,  unequivocally,  that  the  election  of  1860  empow- 
ered Lincoln's  'party'  to  enforce  their  political  theories  on  the 
country,  regardless  of  the  Constitution,  the  laws,  the  rights  of 
the  states,  or  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court ;  and  that  Lin- 
coln would  do  so. 

"And  he  did. 

(Y)  "Five  days  before  Lincoln  was  inaugurated  Congress  passed 
a  Resolution  pronouncing  the  practice  of  political  theories  (as 
promulgated  by  S.  P.  Chase  and  several  Northern  states),  to  be 
violations  of  the  Constitution. 

"The  new  Congress  (elected  in  1860),  was  more  favorable  to 
the  constitution  being  upheld  than  was  the  outgoing  Congress, 
which  passed  the  Resolution  cited;  and  knowing  this,  Lincoln 
did  not  convene  this  Congress  until  war  was  actually  assured." 

I  questioned  the  Blade : 

"That  being  true,  as  you  state,  what  of  Lincoln's  'yearning 
for  peace  and  union,'  which  so  'burdened  his  soul?'  You  would 
put  him  in  the  class  with  John  Brown. 

After  a  moment  the  Blade  answered : 

"I  have  no  desire  to  insult  John  Brown.  I  am  citing  facts, 
in  the  interest  of  justice  and  truth.  If  these  facts  indicate  that 
Lincoln  was.  an  enlarged  edition  of  the  Harper's  Ferry  anarch- 
ist, these  same  facts  make  the  inference  to  result  from  Lincoln's 
oivn  actions. 

"If  Lincoln  'yearned'  for  peace,  why  did  he  refuse  to  even 
discuss  peace  with  the  Peace  Commissioners  who  were  there  in 
Washington,  deceived  and  waiting? 

"If  'peace  and  union  burdened'  his  soul,  why  did  he  not  con- 

21 


vene  Congress  to  assume  the  'burden'  of  peace,  or  war,  as  the 
Constitution  required? 

"Have  you  forgotten  Lincoln's  attack  on  the  Virginia  Con- 
vention? This  Sovereign  Convention  met  at  Richmond  Feb- 
ruary 13th,  1861.  It  voted  down  several  secession  resolutions 
about  three  to  one.  It  was  for  the  Constitutional  Union. 
(Z)  "This  Convention  remained  in  session  waiting  impatiently 
for  Lincoln  to  put  into  actual  practice  his  avowed  'pea«e  and 
unon'  intent  and  purpose;  but  this  Convention  was  also  on 
guard ;  ready  to  protect  Virginia  from  any  unconstitutional  acts. 
Lincoln's  consciousness  of  his  own  secret  perfidy  made  him  fear 
this  Convention ;  and  he  attempted  to  have  it  dissolved,  so  as  to 
leave  Virginia  open  to  his  schemes,  a  la  Maryland. 

"On  April  2nd,  1861,  the  very  day  he  had  approved  a  secret 
act  of  war,  i.  e.,  to  '  reinforce  Fort  Pickens, '  Lincoln  and  Seward 
selected — as  Lincoln's  confidential  messenger — a  gentleman,  a 
Virginian,  a  constitutional  union  man,  then  practicing  law  in 
Washington ;  and  at  that  time  Judge  Advocate  of  the  U. 
S.  Naval  Court  Martial.  This  was  Allan  B.  Magrader. 

"Lincoln  instructed  Magruder  to  go  to  Richmond,  see  Judge 
George  "W.  Summers  (a  leading  union  member  of  the  Virginia 
Convention,  one  of  the  five  delegates  to  the  'Peace  Congress') 
and  urge  Summers  to  'come  te  Washington,  at  once,  by  next 
Friday'  to  confer  with  Lincoln  on  'matters  of  great  import- 
ance,' and  if  Summers  could  not  come,  then  for  Summers  to 
'select  a  union  man  to  come.' 

"Magruder  went  to  Richmond  that  night  (Tuesday,  April 
2nd).  He  saw  Judge  Summers,  who,  being  unable  to  leave  Rich- 
mond, consulted  other  union  men,  and  they  selected  and  sent 
John  B.  Baldwin,  a  fellow  member,  union  man,  to  'confer  with 
Lincoln. ' 

"Baldwin  was  in  secret  conference  with  Lincoln,  Thursday 
morning,  April  4th.  Baldwin  advised,  urged  Lincoln  to  call  a 
conference  of  the  states,  and  to  issue  a  '  peaceful  union  proclama- 
tion,'  giving  official  assurance  of  what  Lincoln  had  so  broadly 
preached  of  'yearning  for  peace.' 

"Lincoln  said,  'I  fear  you  are  too  late.'  Lincoln  kneiv  he 
then  had  four  secret  war  expeditions  moving. 

"Lincoln  appealed  to  Baldwin: 

"  'Why  don't  you  adjourn  the  convention?  Yes,  I  mean  sine 
die.  It  is  a  standing  menace  to  me.' 

22 


"Lincoln"  was  afraid  of  that  convention. 

''Baldwin  refused  to  have  the  convention  'adjourned,'  and 
warned  Lincoln:  'If  a  gun  is  fired,  Virginia  will  secede  in  48 
hours. ' 

"Baldwin  could  get  no  assurance  from  Lincoln,  whose  object 
was  to  'adjourn'  that  convention.  , 

"As  Baldwin  left,  he  met,  and  spoke  to,  'Seven  Governors' 
waiting  in  Lincoln's  rooms. 

"This  is  the  only  authentic  statement  I  have  seen  0f  these 
mysterious  'Seven  Governors'  who  were  credited  with  urging 
Lincoln  to  'use  force.' 

"Lincoln  had  made  the  war  inevitable,  before  this  meeting. 

"Ten  days  later,  after  three  of  Lincoln's  secret  and  treacher- 
ous acts  had  culminated  in  open  war,  this  collosal  'yearning'  hyp- 
ocrit  'proclaimed'  war,  and  gave  as  his  excuse  that  the  South 
fired  on  Port  Sumter.  He  also  called  Congress  to  meet  in  special 
session;  but  'cunningly'  postponed  its  assembling  eighty  days 
to  July  4th,  1861. 

"He  could  have  convened  Congress  in  ten  days.  He  did  "con- 
vene' an  army  at  Washington,  in  less  than  ten  days.  To  com- 
vene  Congress  in  ten  days  would  have  hampered  Lincoln's 
schemes. 

"That  Virginia  Convention  had  not  'adjourned,'  and  that 
union  convention  voted  to  secede,  88  to  55,  '  within  48  hours, '  ae 
Col.  Baldwin  had  warned;  Baldwin  and  Summers  both  voting 
for  secession. 

"As  to  Seward,  and  his  assurances  to  Judge  Campbell,  as  t* 
Port  Sumter;  the  following  document  is  distinct  enough  to  fix 
his  treachery : 

(Extracts)  Hd.  Qurs.  of  the  Army, 

(Confidential)  Washington,  April  4th,  1861. 

"Sir: 

(i)  This  will  be  handed  to  you  by  Captain  G.  V.  Fox,  an  ex- 
officer  of  the  Navy.  He  is  charged  by  authority  here,  with  the 
command  of  an  expedition  (under  cover  of  certain  ships  of  war) 
whose  object  is,  to  reinforce  Port  Sumter. 

To  embark  with  Captain  Pox,  you  will  cause  a  detachment  of 
recruits,  say  about  200,  to  be  immediately  organized  at  Port 
Columbus,  with  competent  number  of  officers,  arms,  ammunition, 
and  subsistence,  with  other  necessaries  needed  for  the  augment- 
ed garrison  at  Port  Sumter. 

Consult  Captain  Fox,  etc. 

(Signed)  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 
To  Lieut.  Col.  H.  L.  Scott,  Aide  de  Camp." 

23 


I  commented  again: 

Why,  the  official  notice  sent  to  Governor  Pickens  was  thai 
'-Fort  Sumter  will  be  supplied,  peaceably  if  allowed,  forcibly 
if  necessary."  These  are  orders  to  "reinforce  Fort  Sumter." 
You  are  questioning  the  truth  of  this  official  notice. 

"Exactty  that,"  responded  the  Blade. 

The  Blade  mused  a  moment,  then  continued: 

"There  is  more  yet  of  April  1st.  Having  three  'expeditions' 
underlay  to  'reinforce'  Forts  Pickens  and  Sumter,  each  an  act 
of  war,  Lincoln  decided  to  send  a  fourth  expedition,  to  hasten, 
and  insure  war,  by  a  direct  and  violent  use  of  force. 

"This  expedition  he  planned  and  organized  personally.  In  it 
he  deceived  his  Secretary  of  the  Navy!  and  kept  the  War  De- 
partment in  ignorance.  Even  Fox  never  knew  of  it  until  all 
was  over. 

"For  this  expedition  Lincoln  selected  Lieutenant  D.  D.  Por- 
ter, U.  S.  N.,  and  ordered  him  to  take  the  fastest  ship  of  war 
in  the  Atlantic  squadron. 

' '  Here  are  the  orders : 

"Executive  Mansion, 
Washington,  April  1st,  1861. 
"Sir: 

(2)  You  will  proceed  to  New  York  and  with  least  possible  delay 
assume  command  of  any  steamer  available. 

Proceed  to  Pensacola  Harbor,  and,  at  any  cost  or  risk,  prevent 
any  expedition  from  the  main  land  reaching  Fort  Piekens,  or 
Santa  Rosa. 

You  will  exhibit  this  order  to  any  Naval  Officer  at  Pensacola, 
if  you  deem  it  necessary,  after  you  have  established  yourself 
within  the  harbor. 

This  order,  its  object,  and  your  destination  will  be  communi- 
cated to  no  person  whatever,  until  you  reach  the  harbor  of  Pen- 
sacola. (Signed)  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
To  Lieutenant  D.  D.  Porter,  U.  S.  Navy. 
Recommended : 

(Signed)  Wm.  H.  Seward." 

"Lincoln  knew  there  was  an  armistice  existing  at  Pensacola. 
The  narrow  channel  leading  into  the  'harbor'  was  guarded  by 
more  than  100  Confederate  guns. 

"This  order  was  to  violate  the  harbor  and  force  a  passage 
into  the  'harbor  of  Pensacola.' 

It  was  war! 

24 


"One  of  the  forts  guarding  this  channel,  'Barrancas,'  wa* 
commanded  by  Captain  Theodore  O'Hara,  C.  S.  Army.* 
' '  On  the  same  day  Lincoln  sent  the  following  telegram : 

"  Washington,  April  1st,  186.1. 

(3)  ''Fit  out  Powhatan  to  go  to  sea  at  the  earliest  possible  mo- 
ment, under  sealed  orders.  Orders  by  a  confidential  messenger 
go  forward  tomorrow. 

(Signed)  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
To  Commandant  Navy  Yard,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y." 

' '  The  following  order  was  also  sent  confirming  the  telegram : 

"Executive  Mansion, 

April  1st,  1861. 
/'Sir: 

(3)  You  will  fit  out  the  Powhatan  without  delay.     Lieutenant 
Porter  will  relieve  Captain  Mercer  in  command  of  her.     She  is 
bound  on  secret  service;  and  you  will  under  no  circumstances 
communicate  to  the  Navy  Department  the  fact  that  she  is  fitting 
out.  ' 

(Signed)   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
To  Commandant  Navy  Yard,  New  York. ' ' 

(14)  "The  Powhatan  had  just  made  the  run  Havana  to  New 
York  in  five  days.  She  could  probably  make  New  York  to  Pen- 
sacola  in  the  same  time. 

"The  signatures  of  these  conspirators  to  these  orders  brands 
Abraham  Lincoln's  'yearnings'  as  hypocritical  winnings;  his 
inaugural  assurances,  '  The  Government  will  not  assail  you, '  and 
his  statements  to  A.  B.  Magruder  and  John  B.  Baldwin  as  ex- 
actly characteristic. 

"It  brands  every  statement  of  his  henchmen  and  co-conspira- 
tor, Seward,  to  which  Lincoln  was  privy,  as  deliberate,  willful, 
malicious,  conspiring  treachery. 

' '  On  this  same  day,  April  1st,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  being 
ignorant  of  Lincoln's  secret  orders  to  Powhatan,  added  the  Pow- 
hatan to  the  Lincoln-Fox-Fort  Sumter  expedition,  with  her  Cap- 
tain, Mercer,  in  command  of  the  fleet,  as  the  following  shows : 
"Telegram.  "Washington,  April  1st.  1861. 

(4)  Fit  out  Powhatan  to  go  to  sea  at  earliest  possible  moment. 

(Signed)  GIDEON  WELLES,  Secty.  of  Navy. 
To  Commandant  Navy  Yard,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y." 

"It  appears  that  the  Secretary  of  Navy  was  urging  the  Povr- 


*  Author  of  "Bivouac  of  the  Dead." 

Soon  after  this  O'Hara  was  elected  Colonel  of  12th  Regiment  Alabama  Vol- 
unteers. Later  he  was  Chief  of  Staff  to  General  John  C".  Breokenridge. .  Tb* 
writer  met  him  at  Shiloh,  knew  him  at'  Columbus,  and  witnessed  his  final 
entombment  at  Frankfort. 

25 


hatan  to  be  ready  for  the  Fox  expedition  against  Sumter,  and 
Lincoln  was  secretly  hurrying  the  same  ship  for  Porter  to  use 
against  Pensacola. 

"On  April  5th  the  Secretary  of  Navy  issued  the  following 
order  to  her  Captain  Mercer.  He  was  still  ignorant  of  Lincoln's 
order  of  April  1st: 

"(Extract) 

(5)  "(Confidential)  "Navy  Dept.,  April  5th,  1861. 
"Sir: 

The  U.  S.  Steamers,  Powhatan,  Pawnee,  Pocahontas,  and  Har- 
riet Lane,  will  compose  a  naval  force  under  your  command,  to 
be  sent  to  the  vicinity  of  Charleston,  S.  C.,  for  the  purpose  of 
aiding  in  carrying  out  the  object  of  an  expedition  of  which  the 
War  Department  has  charge.  The  expedition  has  been  intrust- 
ed to  Captain  G.  V.  Fox. 

You  will  leave  New  York  with  the  Powhatan  in  time  to  be  off 
Charleston  bar;  10  miles  distant  from  and  due  east  of  the  light 
house  on  the  morning  of  the  llth  instant,  there  to  await  the  ar- 
rival of  the  transports  with  troops  and  stores.  The  Pawnee  and 
Pocahontas  will  be  ordered  to  join  you  there,  at  the  time  men- 
tioned, and  also  the  Harriet  Lane,  etc. 

(Signed)  GIDEON  WELLES, 

Secretary  of  Navy. 
To  Captain  Samuel  Mercer, 

Comdg.  U.  S.  S.  Powhatan,  New  York." 

(6)  "Regardless  of  this  order,  on  April  6th,  Lieut    Porter,  on 
the  Powhatan,  sailed,  under  Lincoln's  orders. 

"Seward  must  have  repented,  lost  his  nerve,  for  he  'funked' 
and  sent  the  following: 

"Telegram.  "April  6th,  1861. 

(7)  "Give  the  Powhatan  up  to  Captain  Mercer. 

(Signed)  SEWARD. 
To  Lieutenant  D.  D.  Porter." 

"Porter  had  sailed.  A  dispatch  boat  was  sent  with  this  'tele- 
gram' to  overtake  the  Powhatan,  which  it  did,  and  Lieutenant 
Porter  answered,  as  follows : 

"April  6th,  1861. 

(8)  "I  received  my  orders  from  the  President,  and  shall  proceed 
and  execute  them. 

(Signed)   D.  D.  PORTER 
To  Hon.  Wm.  H.  Seward." 

26 


' '  Before  sailing  on  6th,  Lieutenant  Porter  instructed  the  Nayy 
Yard  officials,  'Detain  all  letters  for  five  days.' 

"He  evidently  expected  to  reach  his  destination  by  'April 
llth.' 

•"  'Storms'  and  'defective  boilers'  delayed  the  Powhatan,  and 
Lieutenant  Porter  did  not  reach  Pensacola  at  the  expected  time. 
When  he  arrived  he  had  the  Powhatan  'disguised'  and  'flying 
English  colors.'  Being  ignorant  of  events  at  Fort  Pickens  (and 
Sumter)  he  headed  direct  for  the  channel,  to  force  an  entrance 
to  '  Pensacola  harbor. '  Here  is  what  Porter  himself  says,  in  his 
Report : 

(10)  "  'I  had  disguised  the  ship,  so  that  she  deceived  those  who 
had  known  her,  and  was  standing  in  (unnoticed),  when  the 
Wyandotte  commenced  making  signals,  which  I  did  not  answer, 
but  stood  on. 

The  steamer  then  put  herself  in  my  way  and  Captain  Meigs, 
who  was  aboard,  hailed  me  "and  I  stopped. 

In  twenty  minutes  more  I  should  have  been  inside  (Pensacola 
harbor)  or  .sunk. 

(Signed)  D.  D.  PORTER,  U.  S.  Navy." 

''This  aetioii,  itself,  was  eloquent  of  the  design,  purpose  of 
Lincoln's  secret,  specific  'orders'  to  Lieutenant  Porter  dated 
April  1st,  1861,  to  force  war ! 

"Lincoln's  'cunning  which  was  genius'  was  exemplified  in 
the  fact  that  he  had  four  'expeditions'  at  the  same  time,  to  force 
war,  at  points  five  hundred  miles  apart,  and  neither  of  the  offi- 
cers in  command  of  an  'expedition'  knew  of  the  existence,  the 
object  nor  the  destination  of  either  of  the  others. 

"That  these  'secret  expeditions'  seem  to  have  been  designed 
to  culminate  on  'the  llth  instant"  is  a  remarkably  suggestive, 
if  not  indicative,  coincidence. 

"  'Rough  weather,  'gales,'  'storms,'  'defecetive  boilers,'  caus- 
ing delays;  and  Adams'  refusal  to  obey  orders,  all  combined  to 
make  a  rather  tangled  web.  of  'Honest  Abe's'  secret  treachery. 
But  notwithstanding  all  these  delays  and  misfits,  the  facts  estab- 
lish that  open  war  was  averted  on  April  1st,  1861.  ,by  Captain 
Adams,  who  was  reproved  for  it ;  that  this  delayed  act  was  ac- 
complished by  Vogdes,  on  the  night  of  April  llth,  1861;  before 
Fort  Sumter  was  'fired  on'  (April  12th.  1861.) 

27 


"Had  Fort  Sumter  not  existed,  there  would  have  been  open 
war  forced  on  the  South,  at  Fort  Pickens,  on  April  1st,  1861,  if 
Captain  Adams  had  obeyed  positive  'orders.'  That  was  the 
avowed  'wish  and  intention.'  ; 

After  a  moment  of  silence,  I  commented : 

(12)  I  recall  that  Captain  Barren  of  U.  S.  Navy,  made  a  special 
report  on  the  good  faith  being  observed  by  both  parties  to  the 
"armistice"  existing  at  Pensacola;  and  that  Captain  Poor,  U. 
S.  Navy,  reported  that  the  Powhatan  attempted  to  force  an  en- 
trance to  Pensacola  harbor,  (9)  "flying  English  colors." 

(13)  Also,  that  dispatches  were  captured,  at  Charleston,  which 
divulged  that  Captain  Fox  acted  the  part  of  a  spy,  and  so  de- 
ceived Governor  Pickens. 

It  is  strange  that  histories  and  biographies  do  not  mention 
,  these  facts.  , 

The  Blade  retorted: 

"Histories  and  biographies  are  very  much  like  Lincoln,  who 
was  often  made  to  say  things  to  fit  into  the  designs  of  a  powerful 
political  faction.  His  first  inaugural  address  was  so  'doctored.' 
When  Lincoln  read  that  'Gettysburg  Speech'  he  must  have  won- 
dered at  his  own  eloquence;  for  he  never  voiced  it  (as  printed.) 

' '  I  am  not  guided  by  what  histories  and  biographies  may  say ; 
nor  by  the  opinions  of  any  friend,  or  foe,  of  Lincoln. 

"I  credit  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States, 
with  knowing  what  his  office  required  him  to  know,  and  he  cer- 
tainly knew.  That  premise  fixed,  his  own  words,  and  acts,  are 
his  passport; — 

"This  is,  Coilantogle  Ford!" 

"Lincoln  fixed  upon  himself  the  responsibility  for  war,  by 
telling  only  a  part  of  the  Truth. 

"It  is  significant,  that  he  never  convened  Congress  until  July 
4th,  1861,  months  after  he  had  the  war  actively  inaugurated. 
In  his  message  to  this  Congress,  he  acknowledged  having  com- 
mitted unconstitutional  acts. 

"The  flimsy  sophisms  by  which  he  attempted  to  excuse  his 
usurpations  would  not  be  allowed  in  any  court.  Any  school 
debating  club  would  ridicule  such  an  argument. 

"Congress,  dazed  by  war,  inaugurated  without  its  knowledge 
or  consent,  (as  the  constitution  required),  received  his  'mes- 
sage' July  4th,  1861. 

28 


(16)  "On  July  10th,  a  joint  Resolution  was  introduced  in  the  U. 
S.  Senate  to  legalize  Lincoln's  unconstitutional  acts.  The  first, 
sentence  of  this  'Joint  Resolution'  fixes  its  character. 

"  Whereas,  since  the  adjournment  of  Congress  on  the  4th  day 
of  March  last,  a  formidable  insurrection  in  certain  states  of  this 
Union  has  arrayed  itself  in  armed  hostility  to  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  constitutionally  administered,  etc.' 

"It  is  evident  from  the  facts  cited  in  this  paper  (which  were 
not  available  for  years  after  this  Resolution  was  penned),  that 
there  was  no  '  Government  of  the  United  States  constitutionally 
administered/  in  existence,  at  the  time  noted.  There  was  un- 
constitutional 'armed  hostility'  secretly  organized,  and  sent  to 
invade  the  South,  while  the  Southern  Peace  Commission  was  in 
Washington  'urging'  peace;  and  deceived  by  assurances  of 
'peaceful  intent.' 

"The  'Joint  Resolution'  itself  is  based  on  Lincoln's  acknuwl- 
edgment  that  the  '  Government '  was  not  '  constitutionally  admin- 
istered;' and  the  avowed  object  and  intent  of  the  'Resolution' 
itself  was  to  legalize  the  unconstitutional  administration  of  the 
'Government  of  the  United  States,  by  Abraham  Lincoln,  whose 
'oath'  bound  him  to  'preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States.' 

"Had  Abraham  Lincoln  kept  his  oath  and  'preserved'  the 
'Constitution,'  the  Union  would  have  been  'preserved;'  and 
there  would  have  been  no  war. 

"No  one  knew  this  better  than  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  his 
spokesman,  S.  P.  Chase,  whose  defiant  'notice'  I  have  cited. 
Lincoln  made  that  'notice'  good;  not  his  'oath.' 

"The  'Joint  Resolution'  names  the  following  six  unconstitu- 
tional acts,  as  confessed  by  Lincoln: 

"He  calls  for  75,000  men,  April  15th,  1861. 

"He  proclaims  a  'blockade,'  April  19th,  1861. 

"He  proclaims  a  second  blockade,  April  27th,  1861. 

' '  He  authorizes  a  military  officer  to  suspend  Habeas  Corpus  in 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  April  27th,  1861. 

"He  calls  for  35,000  volunteers,  May  3rd,  1861. 

"He  authorizes  a  military  officer  to  suspend  Habeas  Corpus  in 
Florida,  May  10th,  1861. 

"Here  is  the  enacting  clause  of  that  'Joint  Resolution  :' 

29 


"  'Be  it  resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled;  That  all  the  extra- 
ordinary acts,  proclamations,  and  orders  hereinbefore  mention- 
ed be  and  the  same  are  hereby  approved,  and  declared  to  be  in 
all  respects  legal  and  valid,  to  the  same,  and  with  the  same 
effect  as  if  they  had  been  issued  and  done  under  the  previous 
express  authority,  and  direction,  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States.' 

"In  this  enacting  clause  Congress  itself  brands  Lincoln's  acts 
as  illegal)  invalid)  unconstitutional." 

Here,  I  interposed  to  say: 

There  is  no  allusion  in  that  "Joint  Resolution"  to  the  secret, 
unconstitutional  "orders"  and  "expeditions"  you  have  cited, 
and  which  inaugurated  the  war,  months  before  this  Congress 
was  allowed  to  convene. 

Lincoln's  confession  begins  with  his  "proclamation"  April 
15th.  He  secretly  inaugurated  war  March  12th.  He  had  four 
secret  war  "expeditions"  before  April  5th,  1861. 

Why  did  not  Lincoln  tell  all  the  truth — to  Congress? 

The  Blade  seemed  astonished  by  my  question : 

' '  Don 't  think  Lincoln  was  a  fool !  He  was  a  knave.  He  never 
told  all  the  trufh  even  'part  of  the  time.' 

"He  was  a  'joker,'  and  never  knew  all  he  told.  That  is  why 
he  was  called  'Honest  Abe.' 

"To  have  this  'Joint  Resolution'  adopted  by  Congress,  all  the 
influence  of  Lincoln,  his  Cabinet,  and  his  'party'  was  exerted, 
but,  having  no  power  to  legalize  crime,  Congress  refused. 

"The  'Joint  Resolution'  was  never  even  acted  on  to  this  good 
day! 

"You  may  conjecture  from  this  what  would  have  happened 
if  Senator  Douglas  had  lived  and  been  in  his  seat;  or,  if  Lin- 
coln had  told  'all  the  truth,'  (the  facts  as  here  stated),  to  that 
Congress  which  was  opposed  to  the  Chase  doctrines. 

"Impeachment  was  not,  in  either  case,  an  improbability. 

"In  1861,  Lincoln  authorized  a  military  officer  to  suspend  the 
writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  in  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland. 

"A  citizen  of  Maryland  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  a 
military  stronghold.  The  citizen  sued  out  a  writ  of  Habeas 
Corpus. 

30 


' '  Chief  Justice,  Roger  B.  Taney,  of  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court, 
ordered  the  parties  to  appear  before  him  at  Baltimore. 

"The  military  officer  refused  to  supply  the  court  with  a  copy 
of  the  order  of  arrest;  and  refused  to  obey  the  writ.  His  ex- 
cuse was,  that  he  was  'authorized  by  the  President  to  suspend 
the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  at  his  discretion,'  and,  that  he  'sus- 
pends it  in  this  case.' 

"Judge  Taney  proceeded  to  hear  the  case,  ex  parte,  and  ren- 
dered the  court's  decision. 

' '  He  pronounced  every  phase  of  the  proceedings  to  be  uncon- 
stitutional, null  and  void.  He  denied  the  power  of  the  Presi- 
dent to  suspend  Habeas  Corpus  under  any  circumstances ;  much 
iers  the  power  to  authorize  a  military  officer  to  exercise  it. 

"He  ordered  'a  copy'  of  this  decision,  under  the  seal  of  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court,  to  be  delivered,  by  a  court  mes- 
senger 'to  the  President  of  the  United  States.' 

"That  was  the  most  just  and  masterly  rebuke  ever  delivered 
since  Elijah  denounced  Ahab  for  crimes  far  less! 

"Remember,  too,  that  Ahab  also  went  'softly,  yearningly,'  but 
that  'in  his  son's  days,'  God  struck! 

' '  The  venerable  Chief  Justice  died  during  Lincoln 's  first  term, 
and  Lincoln  appointed  the  constitution-defying  Salmon  P. 
Chase  to  succeed  him. 

"It  is  pertinent  to  remember,  that  Senator  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  had  pointedly  declared  the  limit  of  the  President's 
powers ;  and  Douglas  knew  Lincoln.  Had  Mr,  Douglas  lived  to 
meet  with  the  Senate  July  4th,  1861,  it  is  almost  a  certainty  that 
he  would  have  begun  impeachment  proceedings;  but  Mr.  Douglas 
died  June  3rd,  1861.  The  dying  words  of  Mr.  Douglas,  to  his 
sons  were  eloquent  of  his  thought,  his  patriotism:  'Obey  the 
law,  and  support  the  Constitution.' 

"What  history  or  biography  cites  the  facts  as  to  Lincoln's 
attempt  to  buy,  to  bribe,  the  Ohio  Democratic  committee,  when 
Lincoln  offered  to  'remit'  the  sentence  of  Vallandingham? 

"When  'Conscription'  was  enforced  in  1863,  there  was  a  'riot' 
in  New  York.  Among  the  leading  men  who  openly  denounced 
'Conscription'  was  C.  L.  Vallandingham,  of  Ohio.  Gen.  Burn-- 
side arrested  Vallandingham  and  he  was  exiled,  banished,  by 
Lincoln's  order. 

31 


"The  Democrats  of  Ohio  through  a  committee  of  prominent 
leaders  petitioned  Lincoln  to  release  Vallandingham  from  the 
sentence. 

(i3x)  "  'Lincoln  offered  to  remit  the  sentence  of  Vallandingham, 
if  the  committee  of  prominent  democrats  who  petitioned  for  Val- 
landingham, would  sign  a  statement  that  rebellion  existed;  that 
Constitutional  measures  were  taken  when  the  army  and  navy 
were  used  to  suppress  it;  and  each  of  the  committee  would  also 
use  his  influence  and  power  to  carry  on  the  war. 

"The  Democratic  committee  refused.  Vallandingham  was 
nominated  by  Democrats  for  Governor  of  Ohio. 

"  'Vallandingham  returned,  without  leave,  from  his  banish- 
ment ',  and  was  leader  in  Democratic  Convention  at  Chicago.  Au- 
gust 27th-29th,  1864,  when  McClellan  was  nominated. 

"  'Lincoln  did  not  deem  it  wise  to  rearrest  Vallandingham.' 

"Being  characteristic,  comment  is  unnecessary. 

"Much  more  could  be  said;  of  Martial  law  declared;  Habeas 
Corpus  suspended,  Legislatures  throttled  by  military  force — in 
non-seceding  States,  too, — but  surely  this  is  sufficient  to  satisfy 
any  open  intelligence. 

"Gr.  V.  Fox,  the  Fort  Sumter  spy,  was  made  'Assistant  Secre- 
tary of  the  U.  S.  Navy.'  John  L.  Wor4en,  the  Pensacola  spy, 
rose  to  be  Admiral. 

"Who  violated  his  official  oath;  violated  the  Constitution,  and 
the  laws;  defied  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States;  thus 
disrupting  the  'C&mpact  of  Union?' 

"Who  suppressed  the  Constitutional  voice  of  Congress. — 
while  he,  secretly,  with  deceit  and  treachery,  inaugurated  war? 

"The  immutable  facts  answer — 

"Abraham  Lincoln. 

"As  was  said  of  Caesar  Borgia,  who  was  Machiavelli's  model: 

"  'His  genius  was  little  more  than  the  lack  of  principle,  which 
allowed  no  scruple  to  stand  in  the  way  of  his  design. ' 

"Borgia,  too,  was  idolized  by  his  followers.  A  cardinal  at 
seventeen,  he  convulsed  his  country  before  he  was  thirty;  was 
killed,  in  exile,  at  thirty-two ;  and  his  memory  and  fame  rest 
on  his  crimes ! 

"The  Record  shows  clearly  that  there  was  a  Conspiracy  led  by 

32 


Abraham  Lincoln  who  was  impulsed  by  envy,  and  hate,  of  the 
South;  and  whose  sole  ambition  was  to  lead  in  destroying. 

''They  rioted,  without  scruple,  in  secret  depths  of  moral  and 
political  depravity  before  unknown. 

"No  wonder  that  men  like  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  Mr.  Steph- 
ens, Admiral  Semmes,  Generals  Johnston,  Taylor,  Maury 
and  others  hesitated  to  write  freely;  for  a  clean  man,  a  gentle- 
man, could  not  conceive  of  such  depths  of  treachery. 

"The  wonder  is,  that  such  men  as  Lincoln,  Chase,  Seward, 
Welles,  Blair,  Fox,  Worden,  and  their  henchmen,  with  all  their 
genius  for  cunning,  unscrupulous  depravity,  failed  to  find  one 
single  act,  or  word,  which  could  be  tortured,  even  by  their  vile 
processes,  into  a  tenable  charge  of  duplicity,  or  crime,  against 
the  men  whom  the  South  put  forward,  and  followed. 

"THEY  TRIED  IT,  AND  FAILED! 

' '  This  knowledge  is  a  finer  heritage  of  truth,  and  honor ;  than 
is  advertised  in  all  the  stone,  brass,  and  bronze,  from  Boston 
to  the  Western  sunset!" 

The  voice  of  the  Blade  changed ;  there  came  a  ringing,  vibrat- 
ing challenge  in  it. 

"No  Southern  statesman;  no  advocate  of  State's  Rights;  ever 
denounced  the  Constitution ;  or  the  Constitutional  Union ;  or  de- 
fied the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  in 
any  speech,  address,  or  party  announcement,  ever  made. 

"No  Southern  state  ever  failed  to  comply,  loyally,  with  her 
obligations  to  every  other  state,  or  to  the  United  States,  as  pre- 
scribed, and  required,  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

"I  challenge  refutation!" 

The  Blade  ceased. 

Do  you  wonder  that  I  love  the  Blade  for  the  dangers  we  have 
shared,  and  the  un-afraid  Truth  that  is  in  it? 
Its  "Challenge"  stands! 


EN-AMI. 

To  those  who  may  resent  the  thrusts  of  the  Blade: 

I  assert  that  the  South  did  a  lion's  share  to  win  the  Ameri- 
<san  Revolution.  This,  my  friends,  is  "our"  country. 

We  fought  for  it  when  blood  was  its  price.  We  paid  for  its 
institutions  when  gold  was  the  price. 

Beside  the  Blade,  a  brace  of  fine  old  pistols  rest,  bearing 
many  scars  of  service  in  that  Revolution.  In  virtue  of  one  I 
can  wear  the  "Eagle"  of  the  Cincinnati;  of  the  other  the  South- 
ern ' '  Cross. ' '  One  typifies  victory  for — the  other  suppression  of 
— the  same  principles  and  rights. 

Principles  abide!  , 

Try  and  realize,  my  friends,  that  no  individual  is  necessary  to 
our  security  or  our  happiness ;  and,  that  the  most  irritating  bur- 
den to  a  proud  people  is  injustice ;  and  that  injustice  to  the  right 
— the  patriotism  of  a  courageous  people — is  to  them  the  most 
hideous. 

When  a  jury  of  our  peers  consider  the  facts  and  so  find  one 
guilty — do  we  expect  or  hear  denunciation  of  the  facts,  or  the 
verdict?  Is  not  every  good  citizen  earnest  and  diligent  to  sup- 
port justice  and  right? 

If  this  is  true  in  our  communities,  our  States,  why  not  so  feel, 
so  act,  in  this  greater  matter? 

I  may  regret  the  necessity,  but,  neither  I  nor  any  lover  of 
truth  and  justice  should  regret  the  result. 

If  I  know  myself  it  has  'been  in  this  broad  view  that  I  have 
seen — and  labored  to  bring  before  my  countrymen — the  jury : — 
the  facts  set  forth  in  this  article ;  and  I  appeal  to  you  to  so  con- 
aider  and  so  judge  my  work. 

So,  there  stands  before  you  as  true  a  "Traitor" — as  loyal  a 
"Rebel" — as  ever  descended  from  Revolutionary  loins. 

H.  W.  JOHNSTONE. 
Idylwild,  Ga. 

June  12th,  1917. 


34 


JUDGE  CAMPBELL'S  LETTERS 

"Extracts." 

"Sunday  Morning,  April  1th,  1861. 
(13)   "Memorandum. 

"The  (Confederate  Peace)  Commissioners  have  been  under 
anxiety  and  concern  for  two  or  three  days  by  reports,  that  have 
some  appearance  of  authority,  of  conversations  of  the  President 
relative  to  Southern  affairs,  troops,  and  by  the  sailing  of  the 
Atlantic* 

"I  have  assured  them  that  the  Government  will  not  under- 
take to  supply  Sumter  without  giving  notice  to  Governor  Pick- 
ens,  and  that  I  should  have  notice  whenever  any  measure  chang- 
ing the  existing  status  prejudicially  to  the  Confederate  States 
is  contemplated  as  respects  Fort  Pickens. 

"I  do  not  experience  the  same  anxiety  or  concern  as  they 
express.  But  if  I  have  said  more  than  I  am  authorized  I  pray 
that  you  will  advise  me. 

JOHN  A.  CAMPBELL. 

This  letter  was  addressed  to  Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of 
State.  But  this  is  left  out  in  compiling  the  record,  and,  a  sen- 
tence is  added — from  Judge  Campbell's  report  to  the  Confeder- 
ate authorities  as  to  this  incident. 

Mr.  Seward' s  answer  to  this  letter  is  also  suppressed.  That 
answer  was:  "Faith  as  to  Sumter  fully  kept.  Wait  and  see." 
That  answer  was  in  writing. 

Why  was  Seward 's  name,  as  addressed,  and  Seward 's  answer 
left  out  of  the  record,  and  foreign  matter  inserted  totally  irrele- 
vant to  the  question  at  issue? 

Judge  Campbell  waited,  and  saw.  Then  wrote  the  following 
tetter  to  Wm.  H.  Seward : 

"Washington  City,  Saturday,  April  13,  1861. 
"Sir: 

(N)  "On  the  15th  of  March,  ultimo,  I  left  with  Judge  Crawford, 
one  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Confederate  States,  a  note  in 
writing  to  the  effect  following: 

"  'I  feel  entire  confidence  that  Fort  Sumter  will  be  evacu- 
ated in  the  next  ten  days,  and  this  measure  is  felt  as  imposing 
great  responsibility  on  the  Administration. 

"  'I  feel  entire  confidence  that  no  measure  changing  the  exist- 
ing status  prejudicially  to  the  Southern  Confederate  States,  is 
at  present  contemplated. 


*  The    "Atlanlc"    carried    the    secret    expedition    under    Brown    against    Fort 
Pickens. 

35 


"  ll  feel  entire  confidence  that  an  immediate  demand  for  an 
answer  to  the  communication  of  the  Commissioners  will  be  pro- 
ductive of  evil  and  not  of  good.  I  do  not  believe  that,  it  ought, 
at  this  time,  to  be  pressed.' 

"The  substance  of  this  staement  I  communicated  to  you  the 
same  evening  by  letter.  Five  days  elapsed  and  I  called  with  a 
telegram  from  General  Beauregard  to  the  effect  that  Sumter 
was  not  evacuated,  but  that  Major  Anderson  was  at  work  making 
repairs. 

"The  next  day,  after  conversing  with  you,  I  communicated 
to  Judge  Crawford,  in  writing,  that  the  failure  to  evacuate 
Sumter  was  not  the  result  of  bad  faith,  but  was  attributable  to 
causes  consistent  with  the  intention  to  fulfill  the  engagement, 
and  that,  as  regarded  Pickens,  I  should  have  notice  of  any 
design  to  alter  the  existing  status  there. 

"Mr.  Justice  Nelson  was  present  at  these  conversations,  three 
in  number,  and  I  submitted  to  him  each  of  my  written  com- 
munications to  Judge  Crawford,  and  informed  Judge  Crawford 
that  they  had  his  (Judge  Nelson's)  sanction.  I  gave  you,  on 
the  22nd  of  March,  a  substantial  copy  of  the  statement  I  had 
made  on  the  15th. 

"The  30th  of  March  arrived,  and  at  that  time  a  telegram 
came  from  Governor  Pickens  inquiring  concerning  Colonel 
Lamon,  whose  visit  to  Charleston  he  supposed  had  a  connection 
with  the  proposed  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter.  I  left  that  with 
you,  and  was  to  have  an  answer  the  following  Monday  morning 
Cist  of  April.  On  the  1st  of  April  I  received  from  you  the  state- 
ment in  writing :  '  I  am  satisfied  the  Government  will  not  under- 
take to  supply  Fort  Sumter  without  giving  notice  to  Governor 
P. '  The  words,  '  I  am  satisfied '  were  for  me  to  use  as  expression 
of  corefidence  in  the  remainder  of  the  declaration. 

"The  proposition  as  originally  prepared  was:  'The  President 
may  desire  to  supply  Sumter,  but  will  not  do  so, ' '  etc.,  and  your 
verbal  explanation  was  that  you  did  not  believe  any  such  at- 
tempt would  be  made,  and  that  there  was  no  design  to  rein- 
force Sumter. 

' '  There  was  a  departure  here  from  the  pledges  of  the  previous 
month,  but,  with  the  verbal  explanation,  I  did  not  consider  it  a 
matter  then  to  complain  of.  I  simply  stated  to  you  that  I  had 
that  assurance  previously. 

"On  the  7th  of  April  I  addressed  you  a  letter  on  the  subject 
of  the  alarm  that  the  preparations  by  the  Government  had 
created,  and  asked  you  if  the  assurances  I  had'  given  were  well 
or  ill  founded.  In  respect  to  Sumter  your  reply  was:  'Faith  as 
to  Sumter  fully  kept.  Wait  and  see.' 

"In  the  morning's  paper  I  read:  'An  authorized  messenger 

36 


from  President  Lincoln  informed  Governor  Pickens  and  General 
Beauregard  that  provisions  will  be  sent  to  Fort  Sumter — peace- 
ably, or  otherwise  oy  force. 

"This  was  the  8th  of  April,  at  Charleston — the  day  following 
your  last  assurance  and  is  the  last  evidence  of  the  full  faith 

1  was  invited  to  wait  for  and  see.    In  the  same  paper  I  read  that 
intercepted  dispatches  disclosed  the  fact  that  Mr.  Fox,  who  had 
been  allowed  to  visit  Major  Anderson,  on  the  pledge  that  his 
purpose  was  pacific,  employed  his  opportunity  to  devise'  a  plan 
for  supplying  the  fort  by  force,  and  that  this  plan  had  been 
adopted  by  the  Washington  Government,  and  was  in  process  of 
execution. 

."My  recollection  of  the  date  of  Mr.  Fox's  visit  carries  it  to 

2  day  in  March.    I  learn  that  he  is  a  near  connection  of  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Cabinet. 

"My  connection  with  the  Commissioners  and  yourself  was 
superinduced  by  the  conversation  with  Justice  Nelson.  He  in- 
formed me  of  your  strong  disposition  in  favor  of  peace  and 
that  you  were  oppressed  with  a  demand  of  the  Commissioners 
of  the  Confederate  States  for  a  reply  to  their  first  letter,  and 
that  you  desired  to  avoid  it  if  possible  at  that  time.  • 

"I  told  him  I  might,  perhaps,  be  of  some  service  in  arranging 
the  difficulty.  I  came  to  your  office  entirely  at  his  request,  and 
without  the  knowledge  of  either  of  the  (Confederate)  Commis- 
sioners. Your  depression  was  obvious  to  both  Judge  Nelson  and 
myself.  I  was  gratified  at  the  character  of  the  counsels  you 
were  desirous  of  pursuing,  and  much  impressed  with?  your  ob- 
servation that  a  civil  war  might  be  prevented  by  the  success  of 
my  mediation.  You  read  a  letter  of  Mr.  (Thurlow)  Weed,  to 
show  how  irksome  and  responsible  the  withdrawals  of  troops 
from  Sumter  was.  A  portion  of  my  communication  to  Judge 
Crawford  on  the  15th  of  March,  was  founded  upon  these  re- 
marks, and- the  pledge  to  evacuate  Sumter  is  less  forcible  than 
the  words  you  employed.  Those  words  were:  'Before  this  letter 
reaches  you,  (a  proposed  letter  by  me  to  President  Davis), 
Sumter  will  have  been  evacuated.' 

"The  (Confederate)  Commissioners  who  received  those  com- 
munications conclude  they  have  been  abused  and  overreached. 
The  Montgomery  Government  hold  the  same  opinion.  The  Com- 
missioners have  supposed  that  my  communications  were  with 
you,  and  upon  the  hypothesis  were  prepared  to  arraign  you  be- 
fore the  country  in  connection  with  the  President.  I  placed  a 
peremptory  prohibition  upon  this  as  being  contrary  to  the  terms 
of  my  communications  with  them.  I  pledged  myself  to  them  to 
communicate  information  upon  what  I  considered  as  the  best 
authority,  and  they  were  to  confide  in  the  ability  of  myself, 
aided  by  Judge  Nelson,  to  determine  upon  the  credibility  of 
my  informant. 

37 


•'I  think  no  candid  man  will  read  over  what  I  have  written, 
and  consider  for  a  moment  what  is  going  on  at  Sumter,  but  will 
agree  that  the  equivocating  conduct  of  the  Administration,  as 
measured  and  interpreted  in  connection  with  these  promises,  is 
the  proximate  cause  of  the  great  calamity. 

"I  have  a  profound  conviction  that  the  telegrams  of  the 
8th  of  April  of  General  Beauregard,  and  of  the  10th  of  April 
of  General  Walker,  the  Secretary  of  War,  can  be  referred  to 
nothing  else  than  their  belief  that  there  has  been  systematic 
duplicity  practiced  on  them  through  me.  It  is  under  an  im- 
pressive sense  of  the  weight  of  this  responsibility  that  I  submit 
to  you  these  things  for  your  explanation. 
"Very  respectfully, 

"JOHN  A.  CAMPBELL, 

"Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  United  States. 
"Hon.  Wm.  H.  Seward, 
"Secretary  of  State." 

To  this  there  was  no  answer. 

A  week  later  Judge  Campbell  wrote  the  following: 

"Washington,  April  20th,  1861. 
"Sir: 

"I  enclose  you  a  letter,  corresponding  very  nearly  with  one  I 
addressed  to  you  one  week  ago  (13th  April),  to  which  I  have 
not  had  any  reply.  The  letter  is  simply  one  of  inquiry  in 
reference  io  facts  concerning  which,  I  think,  I  am  entitled  to 
an  explanation.  I  have  not  adopted  any  opinion  in  reference 
to  them  which  may  not  be  modified  by  explanation;  nor  have  I 
affirmed  in  that  letter,  nor  do  I  in  this,  any  conclusion  of  my 
own  unfavorable  to  your  integrity  in  the  whole  transaction. 
All  that  I  have  said 'and  mean  to  say  is,  that  an  explanation  is 
due  from  you  to  myself. 

"I  will  not  say  what  I  shall  do  in  case  this  request  is  not 
complied  with,  but  I  am  justified  in  saying  that  I  shall  feel  at 
liberty  to  place  these  letters  before  any  person  who  is  entitled 
to  such  an  explanation  of  myself. 

"Very  respectfully, 

JOHN  A.  CAMPBELL, 

"Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  United  States. 
"Hon.  Wm.  H.  Seward, 
"Secretary  of  State." 

No  reply  has  been  made  to  this  letter,  April  24th,  1861. 

These  papers,  and  every  paper  connected  with  this  affair,  (in 
which  Judge  Campbell  was  the  mediator  selected  by  Seward), 
were  filed  in  the  Confederate  States  archives,  and  were  deliv- 
ered to  United  States  authorities,  to  complete  the  Record. 

38 


The  motive  which  prompted  the  garbling  and  suppression  of 
the  complete  record  of  this  "systematic  duplicity"  is  clearly 
apparent  to  any  candid  mind. 


Date  of  Act        Cypher         AUTHORITIES    AND    MEMORANDA 

1798-1832 A   Thomas   Jefferson    Randolph's    Original    Mss. 

March  4,  1861  _  _  _B    Lincoln's  First  Inaugural  Address. 

March  12,  1861  _  _.C  Records  Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  4,  90,  War 

Department  to  Vogdes. 

April  1,  1861 D  Records  Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  4,  110.  Vogdes 

to  Adams. 

April  1,  1861 E  Records  Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol  4,  110  to  114, 

and  125.  Adams  refuses  to  obey. 

April  6,  1861  _  _  _F  Records  Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  4,  110.  Welles 

Reorders  Adams. 

April  7-14,  1861  _  _G  Records  Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  4,  111.  Wor- 

den's  report  (1865).  Spy. 

April  13-14,  1861  _H  Records  Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  4,  135-6. 

Bragg  as  to  Worden. 

April  16,  1861 J  Records  Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  4,  118.  Wor- 

d^n  prisoner  of  war. 

April  16,  1861  _  _  _K  Records  Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  4.  136-7.  Wor- 
den to  Secretary  Walker,  Statement. 

April  12,  1861 L  Records  Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  4,  115.  Adams 

reports  landing  Vogdes. 

April  11,  1861 M  Records  Rebellion.  Ser.  I.  Vol.  4.  210.  Log  of 

U.  S.  S.  Supply,  night  of  April  llth. 

Men.  12  to  Apr.  9  _N  Stephens  II,  Camnhell-Seward  letters,  743-6. 

Comments,  348-54. 

Feb.  to  .Apr.  12,  '61  O  Records  Rebellion.  Vol.  4.  244-51.  Fox  report 

(1865)  of  Sumter  Expedition. 

March  1,  1861 P  Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  225.  Fox  to  Blair, 

as  to  "reinforcing  Sumter,"  etc. 

Feb.  8,  1861 R  Records  Rebellion.  Vol.  4,  223.  Fox  to  Scott, 

of  "Hall  Conferences,'  'etc. 

December  26,  1860  _S  Davis'  Confederate  States,  57.  Anderson 

"Dismantles  Moultrie,"  etc. 

March  29,  1861  _  _T  Rcords  Rebellion.  Vol.  4,  227-8.  Lincoln's  or- 
der. Fox  "Expedition." 

March  30,  1861  _  _V  Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  228-9.  Welles' 

"tirivate"  orders.  Ships  of  War. 

April  1,  1861  _  _W  Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  107-8.  Scott-Lin- 
coln orders  to  Brown. 

April  1,  1861  .  _X  Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4.  108.  Lincoln's 

special  orders  to  "all  officers." 

February  6,  1861  _XX  Stephens.  II,  43-50.  Chase  in  "Peace  Confer- 
ence." 

February  27,  1861  _Y  Stephens  II.  417.  Resolution  in  Congress  on 

Chasp  theories,  etc. 

April  2  to  4,  1861  _Z  Atlantic  ATonthlv.  April  1875.  Magruder  and 

Baldwin,  statement. 

April  4,  1861 1  Records  Rebellion.  Vol.  4.  232-3.  Gen.  Scott 

orrl^r  "Fo-*  FxRed'tion."  Pumper. 

April  1.  1861  Records  Ppbellinn.  Vol  4.  108-9.  Lincoln- 

Reward,  order,  to  Porter. 


Date  of  Act        Cypher 

April  1,  1861 3 

April  1,  1861 4 

April  5,  1861 5 

April  6,  1861 6 

April  6,  1861 7 

April  6,  1861 8 

9 

April  21,  1861  _  _10 
April  20,  1861  _  -11 
February  2,  1861  _12 
Apr.  7,  13,  20,  1861  13 

1863_13x 
14 

December  17,  1863.15 
July  10,  1861  .  -16 


AUTHORITIES    AND    MEMORANDA 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  109.  Lincoln  tele- 
gram, "Powhatan,"  secret;  order  con- 
firming and  secret. 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  229.  Welles  tel- 
egram, "Fit  Out"  Powhatan. 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  235.  Welles  or- 
der to  Mercer,  "Powhatan." 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  237-9.  Porter 
sails;  Seward's  telegram. 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  112.  Seward  tel- 
egram to  Porter,  "Give  up  Powhatan." 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  112.  Porter's 
answer  to  Seward. 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  132.  Capt.  Poor, 
"Powhatan  flying  English  colors." 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  122-3.  Porter's 
report — "20  minutes,  or  sunk." 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  127.  Capt.  Adams 
to  Capt.  Duipont,  as  to  Porter,  etc. 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  77.  Capt.  Barren 
on  Armistice;  also  51,  Armstrong. 

Campbell's  two  letters  to  Seward,  never 
answered.  Stephens  II,  743-6.  Records 
Rebellion,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  4,  259. 

Enc.  Brit,  xiv.,  658-61.  Lincoln  vs.  Valland- 
ingham. 

Records  Rebellion,  Vol.  4,  265.  Powhatan. 
"Havana  to  New  York  in  five  days." 

Stephens  II,  49.  Resolution  in  Congress  as 
to  "Rebels"  and  "Traitors." 

Stephens  II,  436.     Joint  Resolution  to  legal- 
ize Lincoln's  acts,  etc. 
The  circled  letters  and  figures  on  margin 

refer  to  this  sheet. 


40 


